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    Table of Contents
Vignette and Other Engraving Varieties--Peter Huntoon
Bankers Go for Outing--End Up in Jail--Nick Bruyer
Major Upham's Coupons--Terry Bryan
Sears Customer Profit Sharing Certificates--Loren Gatch
Circulation of the State Bank of Iowa--James Ehrhardt
Wooden Nickels--Clifford Thies
The Mauch Chunk National Bank-- Michael Saharian
          official journal of 
The Society of Paper Money Collectors
Vignette and Other Engraving Varieites
on 1875 Series Notes
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The Stack’s Bowers Galleries
Spring 2022 Showcase Auction
T-2. Confederate Currency. 1861 $500. 
PMG Very Fine 25.
Fr. 314. 1886 $20 Silver Certificate.  
PCGS Banknote Choice Uncirculated 64.
T-3. Confederate Currency. 1861 $100. 
PMG Choice Uncirculated 63.
Fr. 260. 1886 $5 Silver Certificate. 
PMG Gem Uncirculated 65 EPQ.
Fr. 355. 1890 $2 Treasury Note.  
PMG Gem Uncirculated 66 EPQ.
Fr. 63a. 1863 $5 Legal Tender Note. 
PMG Gem Uncirculated 66 EPQ.
Fr. 2200-Idgs. 1928 $500 Federal Reserve Note. 
Minneapolis. 
PMG Choice Uncirculated 64 EPQ.
Fr. 613. White Plains, New York.  
$10 1902 Red Seal. First National Bank. 
Charter #6351. PMG Very Fine 20.
Fr. 598. Ossining, New York. $5 1902 Plain Back. 
First NB & TC. Charter #471.  
PMG Choice About Unc. 58EPQH.  
Serial Number 1.
Auction: April 5-8, 2022 • Costa Mesa, CA
FEATURED HIGHLIGHTS
 108
Vignette & Other Engraving Varieties--Peter Huntoon
Bankers Go for Outing-Wind Up in Jail--Nick Bruyer
Major Upham's Coupons--Terry Bryan
Circulation of the State Bank of Iowa--James Ehrhardt
Sears Customer Profit Sharing Certificates--Loren Gatch
 124
86
 116
 120
133 Wooden Nickles--Clifford Thies
135 The Mauch Chunk  National Bank--Michael Saharian
SPMC.org * Paper Money * March/April 2022 * Whole Number 338
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Columns 
Advertisers 
SPMC Hall of Fame 
The SPMC Hall of Fame recognizes and honors those individuals who 
have made a lasting contribution to the society over the span of many years. 
Charles Affleck 
Walter Allan 
Doug Ball 
Joseph Boling 
F.C.C. Boyd
Michael Crabb 
Forrest Daniel 
Martin Delger 
William Donlon 
Roger Durand 
C. John Ferreri
Milt Friedberg
Robert Friedberg
Len Glazer 
Nathan Gold 
Nathan Goldstein 
James Haxby 
John Herzog 
Gene Hessler 
John Hickman 
William Higgins 
Ruth Hill 
Peter Huntoon 
Don Kelly 
Lyn Knight 
Chet Krause 
Allen Mincho 
Clifford Mishler 
Judith Murphy 
Dean Oakes
Chuck O’Donnell 
Roy Pennell 
Albert Pick 
Fred Reed 
Matt Rothert 
 Herb & Martha 
     Schingoethe 
Hugh Shull 
Glenn Smedley 
Raphael Thian 
Daniel Valentine 
Louis Van Belkum 
George Wait 
D.C. Wismer
Robert Vandevender    83
Benny Bolin  84
Frank Clark    85
 138
From Your President 
Editor Sez  
New Members 
Uncoupled  
Obsolete Corner 
Joe Boling & Fred Schwan 
Robert Gill   146
Quartermaster Column Michael McNeil  148
 152
 154
Cherry Pickers Corner
Chump Change 
 
Loren Gatch
Robert Calderman 
Stacks Bowers Galleries  IFC
Pierre Fricke    81 
PMG Currency  107
Lyn Knight    115
Richard Whitmire    119
ANA    145
Denly's of Boston  155
Evangelisti  155
Higgins Museum  155
Vern Potter  156 
Fred Bart 156
FCCB             156
Bob Laub 156
 157PCDA   
Heritage Auctions  OBC
Fred Schwan
Neil Shafer 
SPMC.org * Paper Money * March/April 2022 * Whole Number 338
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Officers & Appointees 
ELECTED OFFICERS
PRESIDENT 
rvpaperman@aol.com
VICE-PRES/SEC'Y  Robert Calderman
gacoins@earthlink.net
TREASURER Robert Moon
robertmoon@aol.com
 BOARD OF GOVERNORS
Mark Anderson                           mbamba@aol.com
Robert Calderman                gacoins@earthlink.net
Gary Dobbins g.dobbins@sbcglobal.net
Matt Drais            stockpicker12@aol.com
Mark Drengson            markd@step1software.com
Pierre Fricke                                                
aaaaaaaaaaaapierrefricke@buyvintagemoney.com
Loren Gatch              lgatch@uco.edu
William Litt                                     Billlitt@aol.com
J. Fred Maples maplesf@comcast.net
Cody Regennitter      cody.regennitter@gmail.com
Wendell Wolka                        purduenut@aol.com
APPOINTEES
EDITOR  Benny Bolin         smcbb@sbcglobal.net
ADVERTISING MANAGER
Wendell Wolka                      Purduenut@aol.com
LIBRAIAN
Jeff Brueggeman jeff@actioncurrency.com
MEMBERSHIP DIRECTOR
Frank Clark      
IMMEDIATE PAST PRESIDENT
Shawn Hewitt
WISMER BOOk PROJECT COORDINATOR
Pierre Fricke
From Your President 
Robert Vandevender II
From Your President 
Shawn Hewitt 
Paper Money * July/August 2020
6
 
  
      Robert Vandevender II   
             
                        
LEGAL COUNSEL  
Megan Regennitter  Megan.regenniter@mwhlawgroup.com
                 frank_clark@yahoo.com
   Greetings:  2022 appears to be off to a great numismatic start with the SPMC 
fully engaged in moving forward as coin and currency shows return.  Thanks to 
several of our board members, we successfully staffed a club table at the January 
FUN Show in Orlando, at the Houston Show, and I plan to join Vice President 
Robert Calderman at our club table during the Long Beach show.
 I would like to share some great news.  At our February board meeting, the 
SPMC board voted unanimously to hold our next annual meeting during an 
upcoming show scheduled for a few months away.  We are planning for this 
show to be accompanied by the many events we have held in the past such as 
exhibit judging, award presentations, a Hall of Fame Dinner, and our well-known 
SPMC Breakfast with the associated fund-raising raffle.  We will, of course, be 
seeking the services of Governor Wendell Wolka to emcee that raffle and I am 
confident he will be up to the task of providing a little entertainment as the 
numbers are drawn.  Once again, we will be asking for item donations from 
members and dealers for the event.  If Wendell were here, he would likely tell 
you to get your winning number requests in early!!  The planning for these events 
is just now starting with much to be done so don’t jump the gun too much until 
we get some arrangements in place.  Watch for more details in the next Paper 
Money issue.
   Last month, the SPMC received a generous contribution from the National 
Currency Foundation to help the SPMC continue its research activities and 
publication of many great articles in the Paper Money magazine.  We look 
forward to many exciting new articles in this upcoming year from many of our 
authors and expect to see big things once again from our Hall of Fame member 
Peter Huntoon.
 For those of you on social media, I hope you are having the chance to see the 
Facebook “SPMC Note of the Day” provided by member Andy Timmerman.  I 
always enjoy seeing what he comes up with for the daily post.  Postal Notes were 
the flavor of today’s post.  If you are not seeing our Note of the Day, be sure to 
find our “Society of Paper Money Collectors” Facebook page and click the 
thumbs-up like icon so the content appears in your feed.
 With the help of Governor Mark Drengson, the SPMC continues working on 
the development of and sponsorship of a “Collecting Paper Money” wiki website 
and Bank Note History Project. Later this year, we expect to make the link 
available to both members and the public.  We continue to seek help from our 
membership to contribute to the content development.  Please contact us if you 
would like to help.
 Another great effort underway is the development of short educational videos. 
The first of those videos has been developed by Governor Loren Gatch with help 
from college students and is currently being reviewed.  The subject for this first 
video is Depression Script and, I must admit, I learned quite a bit while watching
it.  At some point, we will be providing a link to this and upcoming videos on our 
website as well as offering them as an outreach to other collector clubs to provide 
an entry level insight into the various paper money collecting areas.  I urge you to 
check it out when it is posted.
SPMC.org * Paper Money * March/April 2022 * Whole Number 338
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Terms and Conditions 
The Society  of  Paper Money  Collectors  (SPMC)  P.O.   Box 7055, 
Gainesville, GA    30504, publishes    PAPER    MONEY (USPS   00‐
3162)  every  other  month  beginning  in  January.  Periodical 
postage  is  paid  at  Hanover,  PA.  Postmaster  send  address 
changes  to  Secretary  Robert  Calderman,  Box  7055, Gainesville, 
GA  30504. ©Society  of  Paper Money  Collectors, Inc.  2020.  All 
rights  reserved.  Reproduction  of  any  article  in whole  or  part 
without written approval  is prohibited.  Individual copies of  this 
issue of PAPER MONEY are available  from the secretary  for $8 
postpaid. Send changes of address, inquiries concerning    non    ‐   
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the secretary. 
MANUSCRIPTS 
Manuscripts     not     under      consideration      elsewhere and 
publications  for  review should be sent  to  the editor. Accepted 
manuscripts  will  be  published  as  soon  as  possible,  however 
publication  in  a  specific  issue  cannot  be guaranteed. Opinions 
expressed  by  authors  do  not necessarily  reflect those  of  the 
SPMC.   Manuscripts should be  submitted  in WORD  format  via 
email (smcbb@sbcglobal.net)  or  by  sending memory stick/disk 
to  the  editor.  Scans  should  be  grayscale  or  color  JPEGs  at 
300 dpi. Color  illustrations may be changed to grayscale at  the 
discretion  of  the  editor.  Do  not  send  items  of  value. 
Manuscripts are  submitted with copyright release of the author 
to  the  editor  for  duplication  and  printing as needed. 
ADVERTISING 
All advertising on space available basis. Copy/correspondence 
should be sent to editor. 
All advertising is pay in advance.  Ads are on a “good faith” 
basis.  Terms are “Until Forbid.” 
Ads  are  Run  of  Press  (ROP)  unless  accepted  on  a  premium 
contract basis. Limited premium space/rates available. 
To keep rates to a minimum, all advertising must be prepaid 
according to the schedule below.  In exceptional cases where 
special  artwork  or  additional  production  is  required,  the 
advertiser  will be notified  and  billed accordingly.  Rates  are 
not commissionable; proofs are not  supplied.  SPMC  does not 
endorse any company, dealer,  or  auction  house.  Advertising 
Deadline: Subject to space availability, copy must be received 
by  the  editor  no  later  than  the  first  day  of  the  month 
preceding  the  cover date  of  the  issue  (i.e.  Feb.  1  for  the 
March/April  issue). Camera‐ready art or electronic ads  in pdf 
format are required. 
ADVERTISING RATES 
Editor Sez 
Benny Bolin 
What A Start!
2022 is certainly off to a great start. I was able to attend the 
January FUN show and it really was fun, fun, fun. I was only there for 
Friday and Saturday but being back to a major show was great. I only 
spent $70 on three small fractional manuscript notes but at this stage 
of my collecting career, going to shows is mostly about renewing 
friendships and catching up! FUN is a very well run show and my hat 
is off to the organizers for making this a most memorable experience. 
The SPMC had a general meeting with a nice presentation by Robert 
Calderman. Many wonderful exhibits were placed with a strong show 
by paper collectors. Dennis Schafluetzel, Bob Moon and Jerry 
Fochtman were all winners—congratulations!
Speaking of shows, the SPMC board of governors had a 
meeting in February and we voted to once again bring back our 
normal IPMS activities, including the general membership meeting, 
breakfast with award presentations and the Tom Bain raffle (mix ‘em 
up!) featuring our own incomparable and always enjoyable emcee 
Wendell Wolka! Be on the look out for more details as to when and 
where coming soon. 
It is my sad duty to inform you of yet another stalwart of the 
society’s passing—Roger Durand. Roger served the society in many 
capacities and literally wrote the book on Rhode Island obsoletes and 
a series on vignettes which I have used a lot in my collecting of South 
Carolina vignettes. Roger will be missed. 
I am still in need of new articles, especially those of 1-5 pages. 
As you can see from the last few issues, I have a good supply of larger 
articles, but need those shorter ones. Articles written by our members 
are what make our publication great!
I have to tell on myself for two kinda faux pas. The first was in 
the FUN auction. There was a fractional note with an inverted 
surcharge that this example is only the second known. I fought for it 
and in my opinion overpaid but I really wanted it. I got it and when it 
arrived, I was looking at it and guess what? I found the other known 
one in MY OWN COLLECTION!  The other happened just a couple 
of weeks ago in a Tuesday night HA auction. I had just found an 
invert that I did not have and wanted it. But, I was bowling as a sub 
for my wife's and son's team and it came up for auction but it was 
my time to bowl. So, I told my wife and son to bid for me to a 
max of $300. And boy did they.  I could see they were having from 
the lane and were they ever!  To the tune of almost $600!  Said they 
got caught up with auction fever!  Oh well, at least the consignor was 
happy. 
Until next issue!  Be safe, have fun and love those notes!
Required file    submission format    is    composite    PDF v1.3 
(Acrobat 4.0   compatible).   If   possible, submitted files should 
conform to ISO 15930‐1: 2001 PDF/X‐1a file format standard. 
Non‐  standard,  application,  or  native  file  formats  are  not 
acceptable. Page  size: must  conform to specified publication 
trim  size.  Page  bleed:  must  extend minimum  1/8”  beyond 
trim for page head, foot, and front.  Safety margin:  type  and 
other  non‐bleed  content must  clear  trim by minimum 1/2”.  
Advertising c o p y   shall be restricted to paper currency, allied 
numismatic material, publications,   and   related   accessories.   
The SPMC  does  not  guarantee advertisements,  but  accepts 
copy  in good faith,  reserving  the right  to  reject objectionable 
or  inappropriate  material  or  edit      copy.  The          SPMC  
assumes      no      financial       responsibility for  typographical 
errors  in  ads  but  agrees  to  reprint  that portion of an ad  in 
which a typographical error occurs. 
Benny 
Space 
Full color covers 
1 Time 
$1500 
3 Times 
$2600 
6 Times
$4900
B&W covers  500  1400  2500
Full page color  500  1500  3000
Full page B&W  360  1000  1800
Half‐page B&W  180  500  900
Quarter‐page B&W  90  250  450
Eighth‐page B&W  45  125  225
SPMC.org * Paper Money * March/April 2022 * Whole Number 338
84
WELCOME TO OUR 
NEW MEMBERS! 
BY FRANK CLARK 
SPMC MEMBERSHIP DIRECTOR 
NEW MEMBERS 01/05/2022 
15370 Thomas Mendenhall, R Calderman 
15371 Steven Moore, Rbt Calderman 
15372 George W. Goodlow, BNR Ad 
15373 Lindsay Robertson, Website 
15374 Kippen Wills, Website 
15375 Stan Ryckman, Website 
15376 Jason Kaar, Frank Clark 
15377 Gerald Naylor, Website 
15378 Stefan Jovanovich, Website 
15379 Dale White, Frank Clark 
15380 Chris Seuntjens, Frank Clark 
15381 Bret Bryson, Rbt Calderman 
15382 Stephen Yozaites, Website 
NAME CORRECTION 
15367 Raymond Lam 
REINSTATEMENTS 
None 
LIFE MEMBERSHIPS 
LM460 Chris Bulfinch, Website 
NEW MEMBERS 02/05/2022 
15383 Brent Sobol, Frank Clark 
15384 Steve Costner, John A. Parker 
15385 Bernard Ososky, John Bremer 
15386 Marshall Mallory, Frank Clark 
15387 Kert Phillips, Frank Clark 
15388 William Adney, ANA Ad 
15389 Andrew Pappacoda, Frank Clark 
15390 Josh Mathely, Rbt Calderman 
15391 Tyson Flugstad, Rbt Calderman 
15392 Carter McDonald, Rbt Calderman 
15393 James Adams, Website 
15394 Sullivan Labno, Fricke/Hewitt 
15395 Robert Mellichamp, Gary Dobbins 
15396 Imtiaz Khokhar, Website 
15397 Robert Bruner, Facebook 
15398 John Smith, Rbt Calderman 
15399 Joe Lewis, Website 
REINSTATEMENTS 
None 
LIFE MEMBERSHIPS 
None 
Dues Remittal Process 
Send dues directly to 
Robert Moon 
SPMC Treasurer 
104 Chipping Ct 
    Greenwood, SC 29649 
Refer to your mailing label for when your 
dues are due. 
You may also pay your dues online at 
www.spmc.org. 
The Society of Paper Money 
Collectors was organized in 1961 and 
incorporated in 1964 as a non-profit 
organization under the laws of the 
District of  Columbia.  It  is 
affiliated with the  ANA.  The 
Annual Meeting of the SPMC is 
held in June at the International 
Paper Money Show. Information 
about the SPMC, including the by-
laws  and  activities  can  be found 
at our website-- www.spmc.org. 
The SPMC does not does not 
endorse any dealer, company or 
auction house. 
MEMBERSHIP—REGULAR and 
LIFE. Applicants must be at least 18 
years of age and of good moral 
character. Members of the ANA or 
other recognized numismatic 
societies are eligible for membership. 
Other applicants should be sponsored 
by an SPMC member or provide 
suitable references. 
MEMBERSHIP—JUNIOR. 
Applicants for Junior membership 
must be from 12 to 17 years of age 
and of good moral character. A parent 
or guardian must sign their 
application. Junior membership 
numbers will be preceded by the letter 
“j” which will be removed upon 
notification to the secretary that the 
member has reached 18 years of age. 
Junior members are not eligible to 
hold office or vote. 
DUES—Annual dues are $39. Dues 
for members in Canada and Mexico 
are $45. Dues for members in all 
other countries are $60. Life 
membership—payable in installments 
within one year is $800 for U.S.; $900 
for Canada and Mexico and $1000 
for all other countries. The Society 
no longer issues annual membership 
cards but paid- u p  members may 
request one from the membership 
director with an SASE. 
Memberships for all members who 
joined the Society prior to January 
2010 are on a calendar year basis 
with renewals due each December. 
Memberships for those  who joined 
since January 2010 are on an annual 
basis beginning and ending the 
month joined. All renewals are due 
before the expiration date, which can 
be found on the label of Paper 
Money. Renewals may be done via 
the Society website www.spmc.org 
or by check/money order sent to the 
secretary. 
SPMC.org * Paper Money * March/April 2022 * Whole Number 338
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Vignette and other 
Engraving Varieties
on $5 Original and 1875 Series Notes 
ABSTRACT 
A rich trove of engraving varieties produced by Continental Bank Note Company engravers occur 
on the Original Series and Series of 1875 national bank note $5s. 
Four different pairs of vignettes are found on the faces. Each pair was made from a different full-
face master die.  
The backs are even more complicated. Three distinct engravings were used to print the vignette, 
which were mated on plates in various permutations with three distinct engravings for the use and 
counterfeit statements that surround the vignette.  
The $5s carry an act approval date, unlike the other denominations in the series and it changed from 
February 25, 1863 to June 3, 1864. It occurs in the lower border on the faces and in the counterfeit statement 
inside the lower right back border. 
Figure 1. The face of this note, bearing the second title for this Watkins bank, was printed at the end of the 
Original Series in 1875 from an altered plate that originally carried The Second National Bank title. The bank 
was the last to receive notes bearing an 1863 act approval date on the face so, being an altered plate, that old 
act date and variety 2 face vignettes were preserved on it. The extensively used variety C vignette on the back 
coupled with variety 3 wording for the counterfeiting statement with June 3, 1864 act approval date seems mis-
mated with the face. The New York coat-of-arms is the early variety. Somewhere in its journey, U. S. Treasurer 
John Burke, who served between 1913 and 1921, autographed the face. Heritage Auction Archives photo. 
The Paper 
Column 
Doug Walcutt 
Peter Huntoon 
SPMC.org * Paper Money * March/April 2022 * Whole Number 338
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All of these varieties appeared within 20 months of the start of the Original Series. 
A minor intaglio design alteration involved the Continental Bank Note Company imprint, which 
began to be omitted from the bottom border of Series of 1875 faces beginning in February, 1887, but not 
always.  
PURPOSE, BACKGROUND AND ORGANIZATION 
 The purposes of this article are to profile the engraving varieties found on the faces and backs of 
Original/1875 $5s, explain when they came about and reveal what we know about the usage for each. 
The difference between the Original Series and Series of 1875 was that the Series of 1875 was 
established to identify the notes where at least the intaglio faces had been printed by the Bureau of 
Engraving and Printing. Private bank note companies did all the intaglio work on the Original Series notes. 
An Act passed by Congress and signed into law on March 3, 1875 required that “the final printing and 
finishing [of national bank notes was] to be executed in the Treasury Department.” 
On January 4, 1877, Secretary of the Treasury Lot M. Morrill ordered that all back plates from the 
bank note companies be turned over to the Bureau, except for the vignettes on the backs of the $5s (BEP, 
various dates-a). Consequently, the Bureau began printing the national bank note backs beginning in 
January 1877, and simultaneously assumed responsibility for making new back plates as needed. The black 
vignettes on the $5 backs continued to be printed by the Columbian Bank Note Company in Washington, 
DC, through July 1877 (Dillistin, 1956), after which those plates also were turned over to the Bureau. 
 Three engravings dominate the $5 notes; respectively, Columbus in Sight of Land—left front; 
America Presented to the Old World—right front; and The Landing of Columbus—back. They were 
engraved by engravers employed by the Continental Bank Note Company, which was awarded the contract 
for producing the $5 Original Series notes. What little is known about the identity of the engravers is found 
in Hessler (2004) and Hessler and Chambliss (2006). 
 Walcutt (1996a) revealed that four different pairs of vignettes are found on the faces of the $5s. 
Hessler (2004), in his first edition in 1979, cited observations by Glenn E. Jackson that three different 
vignettes were used on the backs. Walcutt (1996b) profiled the back vignettes in more detail. This article 
expands on and updates the foundation laid by Walcutt. 
From the outset, it was apparent that the face vignettes on the Original/1875 $5 notes came in mated 
pairs, of which there are four. The reason for this is that the Continental Bank Note Company produced 
four distinct full-face generic master dies between mid-1863 and October, 1864 to make their plates. Each 
of those dies sported a different pair of vignettes. Proofs lifted from two of them are known; specifically, 
Figure 2. Proof from the variety 2 Original Series full-face master die produced at the 
Continental Bank Note Company from which at least one roll was made that was used to make 
5-5-5-5 plates until August, 1864. Notice that the signatures of Chittenden and Spinner were 
engraved into the die, a fact that caused headaches in the future when the signatures had to 
be changed on the plates. Heritage Auction Archives photo. 
 
SPMC.org * Paper Money * March/April 2022 * Whole Number 338
87
varieties 2 and 4, shown here as Figures 2 and 3. 
 The face and back plate varieties along with when they were used will be will be profiled in Parts 
I and II, respectively. The protocols that guided the manufacture of face plates will be covered in Part III 
including identification of exotic situations that developed. The contracts for the Original Series $5s were 
awarded to the Continental Bank Note Company, the only national bank note denomination assigned to that 
company, so a brief examination of Waterman Ormsby, its founder, and his influence on currency designs 
follows in Part IV. This is a long article with complicated material, so these subdivisions are designed to 
break it up into manageable pieces.   
Part I 
$5 FACE VARIETIES 
The four $5 face varieties are defined on the basis of the distinctively different pairs of engravings 
that were used on them. The best places to see these differences are shown on Figure 4. 
The primary distinguishing features between the left vignettes are the shapes of the waves and 
Figure 3. Proof from the variety 4 Original Series full-face master die produced at the 
Continental Bank Note Company that was the source for all plates made in the Original Series 
and Series of 1875 from the end of October 1864 until the end of the series in 1902. They also 
made the mistake of engraving the signatures of the Treasury officials on this die, in this case 
Colby and Spinner. Bruce Hagen photo. 
Figure 4. A rare variety 1 face, readily spotted because NATIONAL CURRENCY is not 
centered under the upper border. The blue ovals indicate where to look to observe the most 
obvious differences between the four pairs of engravings used on Original/1875 series faces. 
 
SPMC.org * Paper Money * March/April 2022 * Whole Number 338
88
definition of the island on the horizon. See Figure 5. 
The right vignettes are readily differentiated on the basis of the feathers on the side of the head of 
the Indian princess and shape of the foliage next to the upper right counter. See Figures 6 and 7. 
 A careful comparison between the face varieties reveals that most of the elements on the variety 1 
master die, other than the vignettes, represent an entirely different engraving or assemblage of different 
engravings. In contrast, significant parts of the two vignettes are identical between all the varieties 
indicating that they were engraved on separate dies. Probably rolls were lifted from those dies and the 
images were laid into the four full-face master dies. Once laid-in, different engravers made material 
alterations to the vignettes to render them into their variety 1, 2, 3 and 4 forms.  
Figure 5. The waves are more turbulent and the island and sky are better defined on the variety 2 and 3 vignettes. 
The island is ill-defined on variety 4. The varieties (1, 2, 3, 4) progress from left to right. 
 
Figure 6. The bottom feather is missing on variety 4. The second feather up is very broad on variety 1 and small 
on variety 4. Varieties 2 and 3 are indistinguishable. 
Figure 7. The top branch is hook-shaped on varieties 1 and 2, which are indistinguishable. More foliage has been 
added to the hooked branch on variety 3. The hooked branch has been removed from variety 4. 
SPMC.org * Paper Money * March/April 2022 * Whole Number 338
89
 Variety 1 
Variety 1 occurs only on a few of the first plates made in the Original Series. The act approval date 
is always February 25, 1863, plate date is November 2, 1863, and the Treasury signatures are Chittenden-
Spinner on the Original Series notes. 
Verified occurrences in the Original Series include Youngstown, OH (3), Stamford, CT (4), Fort 
Wayne, IN (11), Sandusky, OH (16), Washington, DC (26) and Indianapolis (55). The Original Series 
variety 1 plates for charters 3, 4, 16 and 55 were altered for use in the Series of 1875. All variety 1 notes 
are very scarce in both the Original and 1875 series owing to the small number of banks that received them. 
A variety 2 duplicate plate was made for The First National Bank of Washington, DC (26), early 
in the Original Series. Consequently, only the early $5s issued from the bank are variety 1. 
Distinguishing Features: Figure 8 reveals 
that the most readily observable difference on variety 
1 faces is the fact that NATIONAL CURRENCY is 
not centered below the upper border and there is a 
leftward shift of the lines of text above and below 
UNITED STATES. 
The second feather up on the side of the head 
of the Indian princess is unusually broad in the right 
vignette. Also, the upper branch has a distinctive hook 
shape, a characteristic also common to variety 2. The 
sky in the left vignette is very light down to the 
horizon. Both vignettes were extended close to the 
bottom border, thus constricting the space for the 
bank signatures. 
The letters in the upper left counter are leaner 
than on varieties 2, 3 and 4 as illustrated on Figure 9. 
The variety 1 Chittenden-Spinner signatures 
on the Original Series version of the plates differ from 
those used on varieties 2, 3 and 4. Especially 
noticeable are differences in punctuation, the 
placement and shape of the dots over the i in Spinner, 
and the finer line weight of Chittenden’s signature on 
the later varieties. See Figure 10. 
 The use of flourishes around the left plate 
letters are unique to variety 1. See Figure 8. 
Figure 8. Comparison between the 
securities statement on variety 1 
(top) and variety 2, 3 and 4 plates. 
Notice how the lines of text have 
shifted between the two and that 
NATIONAL CURRENCY is not 
centered under the upper border on 
variety 1. These two security 
statements represent two entirely 
different engravings. 
 
Figure 9. Comparison between the engravings of the 
counters found on variety 1 (top) and variety 2, 3 and 
4 plates. Compare the girth of the letters and sizes of 
the shaded hollows on the right sides of the F and E. 
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BEP Usage: Although variety 1 plates were transferred to the BEP in 1875, it is doubtful that the 
variety 1 master die or rolls lifted from it were. No proofs from the master die have been found at the BEP 
and no reentries were made to the Series of 1875 forms of the variety 1 plates that were in BEP custody. 
 
Variety 2 
Variety 2 is the second most common variety, being found on most notes with charters 1 through 
458. Those for charters 1 through 456 have an act date of February 25, 1863. Variety 2 vignettes also were 
reentered over some Original Series plates that originally bore variety 3 vignettes. 
Distinguishing Features: There is a large thin feather and one small feather on the side of the head 
of the Indian princess in the right vignette. The waves in the left vignette are more turbulent than on variety 
1. The hooked branch next to the upper right counter is the same as on variety 1. 
 BEP Usage: The variety 2 master die and/or roll(s) lifted from it were transferred to the BEP in 
1875. Variety 2 vignettes were reentered as needed by BEP siderographers onto variety 2 and some variety 
3 Original Series plates that had been altered into Series of 1875 forms. 
 Variety 3 
Variety 3 was used to make the plates for charters 460 to 525, which always bear a June 3, 1864, 
act date. Notes with this variety are scarce because of its limited usage. 
Distinguishing Feature: The hooked branch next to the upper right counter exhibits considerably 
more foliage than that on any of the other varieties. 
 The waves on the left vignette and feathers on the side of the head of the Indian princess are 
Figure 11. Variety 2. Turbulent waves, smaller feathers on the side of the princess’ head, hooked 
tree branch same as variety 1. 
 
Figure 10. Different Chittenden-
Spinner signatures were used on 
the variety 1 Original Series 
notes (top) than on varieties 2, 3 
and 4. Easily observed are 
differences in punctuation 
throughout. Also notice 
differences in where the various 
loops intersect overlying and 
underlying text. 
 
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indistinguishable from those on variety 2. 
BEP Usage: Neither the variety 3 master die nor rolls lifted from it were transferred to the BEP in 
1875 or they arrived in unserviceable condition. Consequently, the BEP siderographers never reentered 
variety 3 vignettes onto any variety 3 Original Series plates that the BEP received. 
Variety 4 
Variety 4 is found on Original/1875 series notes from charters 528 through 2767, along with some 
earlier charters for which new-title, late-ordered, or duplicate plates were made. Variety 4 is the most 
common variety found on notes. 
Distinguishing Features: There is only one feather on the side of the head of the Indian princess 
and it is small. The hooked branch on the tree has been removed. 
BEP Usage: The variety 4 master die and rolls(s) lifted from it were transferred to the BEP in 1875 
and used to make all new plates thereafter at the BEP as well as to reenter variety 4 Original Series plates 
transferred to the BEP. Variety 4 vignettes also were reentered at the BEP over variety 3 vignettes on some 
plates that carried variety 3 vignettes in their Original Series form. 
Figure 13. Variety 4. Bottom feather on side of head is missing, second feather up is small, 
hooked branch next to upper right counter is gone, waves similar to variety 1, island is weakly 
portrayed. 
Figure 12. Variety 3. Decidedly fuller foliage above the hooked branch next to the upper right 
counter, waves and feathers indistinguishable from variety 2. 
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Part II 
BACK VIGNETTE VARIETIES 
Three different engravings of The Landing of Columbus were used on the backs of Original Series 
$5 notes. They are listed here as varieties A, B and C. All were made at the Continental Bank Note 
Company. All were used to print Original Series notes, but only variety C was used at the Bureau of 
Engraving and Printing to print Series of 1875 notes. It is apparent that the dies and rolls for varieties A and 
B were destroyed before the startup of the Series of 1875 because they were not turned over to the BEP in 
July 1877 when the BEP took over the printing of the vignettes from the Columbian Bank Note Company, 
which had held the printing contracts for them since September 1875 (Graves and others, 1877). 
Variety A  
 Distinguishing Features: Columbus is wearing black pantaloons with definitive vertical white 
stripes. The shading along the bottom of the vignette is dark. 
Variety A was used from the beginning of the Original Series until at least the end of the un-prefixed 
blue Treasury sheets serials in January 1865 based on observed notes. 
Variety B 
Distinguishing Features: Columbus’ pantaloons have a draped pattern overlain by definitive 
strong engraved diagonal lines. The V design on his shirt is very pronounced wherein the uppermost dark 
line is curved. The shading along the bottom of the vignette is dark.  
The first use of variety B that we have observed dates from about March 1864 at the beginning of 
the second third of the un-prefixed red Treasury sheet serial number block. They appear sporadically in 
later blocks where we have observed them on notes with un-prefixed blue and A- and E-prefix serials, the 
last of which dates from about March 1869 (Walcutt, 1996a). The variety was little used so notes sporting 
it are very scarce. 
 Variety C 
Distinguishing Features: Definitive is that there is very light shading along the bottom of the 
vignette. The uppermost dark line on Columbus’ shirt is straight. The bold diagonal lines through 
Columbus’ pantaloons found on variety B are missing. 
Figure 14. Variety A: Definitive is that Columbus’ Pantaloons are black with vertical white strips. The bottom 
of the vignette is darkly shaded. Mark Hotz photo. 
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The first use of variety C that we have observed dates from around November 1864 on notes from 
the middle of the un-prefixed blue Treasury sheet serial number block. It is the most common variety with 
use spanning to the end of the Series of 1875. 
Figure 15. Variety B: Columbus: dark line forming uppermost stripe on shirt is curved, pantaloons are lightly 
patterned with definitive strong diagonal engraved lines. Bottom of the vignette is darkly shaded. 
Figure 16. Variety C: Definitive is very light shading along the bottom of the vignette. Columbus: dark line 
forming uppermost stripe on shirt is straight. 
 
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Other Characteristics 
There are several other minor differences between the back vignettes then those described. 
Compare the various renderings of Columbus’ shirt, the small boats in the left background and differing 
line work in the flag held by Columbus. 
 Other engravings of the vignette were produced by American Bank Note Company and Bureau of 
Engraving and Printing engravers, but were not used on notes. 
 USE-COUNTERFEIT STATEMENT VARIETIES 
The use and counterfeit statements that surround the back vignettes were laid into the vignette 
plates as illustrated on Figure 16 because both were printed in black. There are three varieties of these 
herein numbered 1 to 3. Varieties 1 and 2 carried an act approval date of February 25, 1863, whereas variety 
3 used June 3, 1864. See Figure 17. 
The distinguishing characteristics between varieties 1 and 2 are illustrated on Figure 18. Notice on 
variety 1 that there are two dots under “th” and the top of the 3 in the year is round. There is only one dot 
under “th” and a flat-topped 3 in the variety 2 year. 
The mating of the use and counterfeit statements with a given vignette on the backs varied from 
plate to plate in the Original Series. So far, we know of the following couplings: A/1, A/3, B/1, B/3, C/1, 
C/2, C/3. 
Variety 1 and 2 statements occur only on 
Original Series notes. Use of variety 1 dated from the 
beginning of the series. The earliest use of variety 2 
that we have observed was coupled with the first 
observed C vignette on a note numbered in the middle 
of the un-prefixed blue Treasury serial number block 
circa November 1864. 
The last of the observed notes with variety 1 
and 2 were printed in the first third of the H-block 
around July 1871, which ended the use of act of 1863 
approval dates in the counterfeit clauses. Up until 
then, the act approval dates on the faces and backs 
always were matched. 
Variety 3, which carried a June 3, 1864 act 
approval date, first appeared on Original Series notes 
with Act of 1864 faces, the first of which were 
delivered to the Comptroller of the Currency on July 
15, 1864. Notes having 1863 faces were printed on 
backs with variety 3 statements after stocks having 
Figure 18. The top of the 3 in 1863 is round on variety 
1 but flat on variety 2. Two dots underlie “th” in the 
date on variety 1 but one on variety 2. 
Figure 17. Detail showing a variety 1 1863 act approval date on an early Original Series $5. 
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variety 1 and 2 backs ran out during the first third of the H-block. The earliest of these that we have seen 
dates from around May 1871. The changeover was not sharp.  
One result of this usage pattern is that no Original Series faces with 1864 act approval dates have 
been found mated with variety 1 and 2 backs, so there are no notes with 1864 faces and 1863 backs. In 
contrast, beginning in 1871, 1863 faces were mated exclusively with 1864 backs. The resulting mismatch 
didn’t trouble anyone in the Treasury Department because the laws governing use and counterfeiting were 
identical in the two acts. 
All Series of 1875 notes have C/3 backs. 
LIMITATIONS 
The longevity of the use of the back-vignette plates depended on two factors. The most obvious 
was when the last plates of a given variety wore out. However, there is a subtlety that introduces a joker 
into this scheme. Backs were preprinted and stocked for each state and territory. Withdrawals from the 
stocks were mated with faces as the print orders for those states and territories came in. The lives of the 
stocks for the different states and territories were highly variable. Stocks having long lives resulted in some 
very late uses of some permutations of back vignette and use-counterfeit statements. If your Original Series 
note was printed before mid-1871 (H-Treasury sheet serial number block), you never know what surprise 
might await you until you turn the note over. 
No Continental Bank Note Company proofs or plate usage records survived. Consequently, our 
knowledge of the usage patterns for the back varieties are imprecise because they are based on spotty 
observations from notes and available high-resolution photos of notes. The usage ranges reported here will 
change with future observations. 
Part III 
PROTOCOLS FOR MAKING ORIGINAL SERIES FACE PLATES 
AND USAGE PATTERNS 
Three variable non-bank-specific design elements were incorporated into the Original Series $5 
face plates made by the Continental Bank Note Company: (1) vignette varieties, (2) Treasury signature 
combinations and (3) act approval dates. Each time one of these variables was changed, the new version 
was immediately implemented on the face plates made thereafter. See Table 1. 
Plates for New Banks 
The breaks in usage between the various permutations occur abruptly within the sequence of charter 
numbers for new banks as documented on Table 1 with but two exceptions, (1) those with variety 1 vignettes 
and (2) three banks chartered during the Jeffries-Spinner era. It is apparent that after an initial period of a 
few months, Original Series plates for new banks generally were ordered in sequential order of their charter 
numbers and made in close charter number order. Once a new design element became available, it was 
adopted immediately and the old was dropped from use yielding sharp charter number breaks. 
The first Original Series plates were not made in charter number order so the first deliveries of 
variety 1 production arrived at the Comptroller’s office in the following order: charters 26, 55, 11, 16, 3, 4. 
However, it still appears that the temporal break between the use of the variety 1 and 2 plates was sharp. 
The very first plate made was for charter 26, The First National Bank of Washington, DC. It was 
the desire of Secretary of the Treasury Salmon P. Chase that the first national bank notes would debut in 
Washington to symbolize their national character so he requested that the Washington bank get the first 
notes. This decision was not hurt by the fact that financier Jay Cook’s brother Henry was the president of 
that bank, because Cook was instrumental in marketing the first bonds to fund the Civil War. Those sheets 
arrived at the Treasury Department on December 18, 1863, where they were numbered and sealed. They 
were delivered to the bank December 21st. 
The second $5 plate was for The First National Bank of Indianapolis, charter 55. This also was not 
coincidence. It happened that Comptroller of the Currency Hugh McCulloch was a prominent Indiana 
banker who had been drafted by Chase from his presidency of The State Bank of Indiana to run that 
operation. The first of the Indianapolis sheets arrived at the Comptroller’s office on December 24th. 
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Vignette 2 plates followed for the infill and succeeding charters once those plates became available 
at the beginning of 1864. Jay Cook’s First National Bank of Philadelphia, charter 1, got variety 2 faces but 
not from the first variety 2 plate. The first $5 delivery to the Comptroller for his bank was on March 22, 
1864, the 134th bank for which such a delivery was made. Instead, the Philadelphia bank had the honor of 
receiving the first printings from 10-10-10-10 and 20-20-50-100 plates when production from them began. 
In the cases Lake, IL (1678), Bangor, ME (1687) and Cleveland, OH (1689), which were charted 
during the Jeffries-Spinner era, fabrication of their plates was significantly delayed owing to a 
Congressionally mandated cap on total national bank note circulation. When the cap was lifted, variety 4 
plates for those banks were made that carried the then current Allison-Spinner combination. 
Title Change Plates 
The protocol for handling title change plates was to update the plate dates using batch dates that 
reflected when the plates were ordered and to use the Treasury signatures that were current on those dates. 
The first title change to appear on a $5 plate was for charter 321 in Plattsburgh, NY, which was changed 
from The Second National Bank to the Vilas National Bank in 1869. By then, variety 4 plates with 1864 
act dates were in production so those features were used on the new plate along with the then current 
Treasury signatures. The same was true for all the succeeding title change plates made in the Original 
Series, except for one exotic case for the Havana, New York bank profiled below. 
Duplicate Plates 
The bank note companies were faced with making duplicate plates; however, we lack 
documentation pertaining to the protocols used to make them. 
We have identified two duplicate plates from the Original Series, a 5-5-5-5 for The Tenth National 
Bank of the City of New York (307) found by Doug Walcutt and a 1-1-1-2 from The Mechanics National 
Bank of the City of New York (1250) found by Doug Murray (Huntoon, 2019). Both carried a 2 next to 
one of the plate letters on each subject, thus making them distinctive. No other such numbered Original 
Series plates have been found despite a thorough search for them among the proofs, so we presume that the 
practice of numbering duplicate plates were one-offs for the respective bank note companies that made 
them. 
Both an Original Series proof from the first $5 New York plate and a Series of 1875 proof from the 
duplicate exist in the National Numismatic Collection. Differing plate margin markings unambiguously 
demonstrate that they were lifted from different plates. The curious fact is that both carry variety 2 vignettes 
Table 1. The timing of the adoption of new combinations of  face vignette varieties, Treasury signature
combinations and act approval dates on Original Series 5-5-5-5 plates based on when sheets for newly
chartered banks bearing them began to be delivered to the Comptroller of the Currency.
Vignette Act First Delivery
Variety Date Treasury Signatures to Comptroller Impacted Charter Numbers
Chittenden-Spinner signatures became current - Apr 17, 1861
Act of Feb 25, 1863
1 1863 Chittenden-Spinner Dec 18, 1863 3, 4, 11, 16, 26, 55
2 1863 Chittenden-Spinner Jan 2, 1864 1 – 456 except 3, 4, 11, 16, 55
Act of June 3, 1864
2 1864 Chittenden-Spinner Jul 15, 1864 457-458 (459 unknowna)
3 1864 Chittenden-Spinner Aug 19, 1864 460-493
Colby-Spinner signatures became current - Aug 11, 1864
3 1864 Colby-Spinner Sep 2, 1864 494-525 (526, 527 unknowna)
4 1864 Colby-Spinner Oct 31, 1864 528-1672
Jeffries-Spinner signatures became  current - Oct 5, 1867
4 1864 Jeffries-Spinner Dec 23, 1867 1674, 1677, 1681-1686, 1688, 1690-1691
Allison-Spinner signatures became current - Apr 3, 1869
4 1864 Allison-Spinner Jul 17, 1869 1678, 1687, 1689, 1692-2280
and 2nd titles for 94, 321, 343, 358, 420, 456, 616, 810, 826, 938,
1207, 1348, 1464, 1701, 1772, 1773, 1830, 1893, 1894, 2008
a. Type unknown- no proofs or reported specimens.
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and 1863 act dates. The roll with these features went out of service for making plates for new banks in June 
1864, but remained in inventory. 
Two scenarios are possible. (1) The first plate prematurely wore out or became damaged before 
August 19, 1864, when deliveries of the first variety 3 notes began so the duplicate was made before then. 
(2) The duplicate was made later so the siderographer retrieved the obsolete variety 2 roll to make the 
duplicate in his effort to preserve the required Chittenden-Spinner signatures and in the process also 
preserved the 1863 plate date. The only reported note from the first plate bears Treasury serial 975084-red 
numbered in late July 1864, whereas the lowest reported note from the duplicate plate is P39887 numbered 
in early 1875. The information provided by these two notes doesn’t preclude either scenario.  
Surely other duplicate Original Series plates were required. The fact that we haven’t spotted them 
among the proofs hints that when duplicates were required, they were faithfully copied in every detail down 
to the plate letters. That was standard practice when making duplicate plates within the bank note industry 
at the time. 
Act Approval Dates 
The topic of the act approval dates requires development. The earliest national banks were 
organized under an act passed February 25, 1863. That entire law was rewritten to eliminate deficiencies 
and the revision passed June 3, 1864. 
Table 1 reveals that the first bank chartered after June 3, 1864, was The First National Bank of 
Figure 19. Only two duplicate Original Series plates have been documented. This note from one was discovered 
because they placed 2s below the right plate letters. Heritage Auction Archives photo. 
Figure 20. As soon as the Act of June 3, 1864 passed, they started putting the 1864 act approval dates on face 
plates for new banks even if they were organized under the 1863 act.  
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Racine, Wisconsin (457). The Racine bank and all that followed got notes with 1864 act approval dates. 
This seems cut and dried, and of little consequence. 
However, there is a technicality here. The following are the charter numbers for the banks organized 
under the 1863 act: 1-473, 477, 479, 482, 485, 487-489, 491-494, 500, 502, 521, 548 and 555. The skips in 
the numbers were caused by delays between the dates the banks were organized and when they were 
chartered. The intervening numbers were those for banks organized under the 1864 act that perfected their 
charters before the last of the 1863 banks. The salient fact is that the plates for 34 banks with charter 
numbers from 457 and above, including the Racine bank, were organized under the 1863 act, but they 
received notes bearing the 1864 act date. 
Conversely, through quirks of fate that will be chronicled, some plates for banks organized under 
the 1864 act ended up with 1863 act approval dates. 
All of these situations appear to be technical errors. However, in the eyes of the Treasury officials, 
the disconnect between the acts under which the banks were organized and the act approval dates on their 
notes was of no consequence so no attention was paid to it. Act dates were not altered on $5 Original Series 
or Series of 1875 plates after they were made to bring them into conformity with the laws under which the 
banks were organized.  
Exotic Situations on $5 Original Series Notes 
The Second National Bank of Havana, New York, charter 343, underwent a title change to The 
Havana National Bank in 1874. Highly unusual was that the old title was simply removed from their 5-5-
5-5 plate and the new rolled in. The alterations included updating the Treasury signatures and plate date, 
but the old variety 2 vignettes and 1863 act date were left as was. 
The 5-5-5-5 plate for The Richmond National Bank, Indiana, charter 1102, was recycled for use by 
its reorganized successor with the identical title but new charter 2090. The Treasury signatures and plate 
date were updated, but the 1863 act date was left as was even though charter 2090 was organized under the 
1864 act. 
PROTOCOLS INVOLVING SERIES OF 1875 FACE PLATES 
All Series of 1875 5-5-5-5 plates made by the Bureau of Engraving and Printing carried variety 4 
vignettes and 1864 act dates. This includes plates for all new banks having charter numbers 2282 through 
2767. It also includes all title change plates and duplicate plates regardless of charter number. 
The Treasury signatures on all Original Series plates that were altered into Series of 1875 forms 
were updated to the officers who were current at the time the plates were altered. The plate dates were left 
as found. Also, the act approval dates were left as was so old 1863 act approval dates survived on the plates 
that carried them. The existing vignettes also were left alone unless they exhibited wear and had to be 
reentered. A “printed at” BEP medallion was placed above the title blocks. 
When the vignettes on the altered Original Series plates required reentry—either at the time they 
were altered into 1875 forms or later—variety 2 and 4 vignettes were used to match those on the plates. 
However, all variety 3 vignettes were replaced by either variety 2 or 4 vignettes. No variety 1 plates were 
reentered by the BEP. 
 The Treasury signatures on reentered existing Series of 1875 plates—be they previously altered 
Original Series Continental Bank Note plates or Series of 1875 BEP plates—were left as was except for 
plates reentered in 1878, which were the first plates reentered at the BEP. The signatures in the 1878 cases 
were updated to Schofield-Gilfillan if those signatures weren’t already on the plates. 
Stars were placed next to the upper right plate letters on the reentered plates from at least April 
1878 through April 1896. See Figure 4 for an example. 
In the cases of duplicate plates, the Treasury signatures and plate dates were updated prior to at 
least early 1881; thereafter, they were copied from the predecessor plate. Some, but not all, Bureau 
siderographers copied every detail from the old to the duplicate plates including the act approval date and 
bank note company imprint. 
The Treasury signatures and plate dates were updated on all title-change plates. An 1864 act 
approval date was used on all. Plate lettering restarted at A-B-C-D. 
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The BEP omitted the bank note company imprints 
from all new and many reentered plates from all Series of 1875 
and 1882 national bank note plates beginning in February, 
1887. The siderographers also periodically went into the plate 
inventory and removed the imprints from existing plates as 
time permitted thereafter. Precise dating of adoption of this 
protocol comes from the certification dates for two Series of 
1882 10-10-10-20 plates for new banks; respectively, The 
United States National Bank of Atchison, KS (3612), on 
January 22, 1887, with an imprint, and The Albany County 
National Bank of Laramie, WY (3615), on February 2, 1887, 
without. 
Exotic Situations on $5 Series of 1875 Proofs 
Two Series of 1875 plates that began their lives as 
Original Series plates were recycled for use by reorganized successors with the same title. The pairs were 
Rondout, New York (34/2493), and Granville, Ohio (388/2496). In these unusual cases, the signatures and 
plate dates were updated, but everything else on the plates was left as was including the variety 2 vignettes 
and the 1863 act date. 
One particularly strange case involved the 5-5-5-5 plate made for The First National Bank of 
Rockville, Indiana, charter 63. It started life as an Original Series plate with variety 2 vignettes and 1863 
act approval dates. It was altered into a Series of 1875 form at the BEP with customary updates. Next, the 
bank was liquidated and reorganized in 1877 as The National Bank of Rockville, which received new 
charter number 2361. Instead of making a new plate, the plate for charter 63 was altered by updating the 
bank title, Treasury signatures and plate date. The variety 2 vignettes and obsolete 1863 act approval date 
survived through all of this! 
MISSING ‘r AND ‘t ON REENTERED BEP PLATES 
A peculiar minor variety that occurred during the reentry of a few plates was the omission of the ‘r 
after Cash and the ‘t after Pres under the blanks for the bank signatures. This has been observed on notes 
from reentered $5 Series of 1875 plates from The Central National Bank of the City of New York (376) 
and The Second National Bank of Baltimore (414). The ‘r and ‘t are present on the pre-reentry Series of 
1875 Smithsonian proofs. 
The omitted ‘r and ‘t were replaced in one New York case. The proof made from a reentered $5 
Series of 1875 plate for The Third National Bank of the City of New York (87) exhibits the omission. 
Figure 21. Series of 1875 proofs from the 
same bank with and without the 
Continental Bank Note Company imprint. 
Figure 22. The ‘r and ‘t were omitted from cash’r and pres’t next to the signature lines when 
the Series of 1875 plate for this New York bank was reentered. Note the reentry star next to 
the upper plate letter. 
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However, a note from the first delivery after the reentry has the letters, so the plate was repaired. That 
reentry was reported to the Comptroller in a letter dated November 4, 1879. 
The same omissions occur on the $5 Original and 1875 series notes from The Tenth National Bank 
of the City of New York (307), printed from the duplicate plate bearing the 2 under the plate letters. See 
Figure 19. 
FACE PLATE MANUFACTURING AND REENTRY 
Central to the production of plates at the Continental Bank Note Company was the use of full-face 
generic master dies, of which there were four. The rolls lifted from them were used to lay their images onto 
the production plates. The same full-face rolls were used to reenter vignettes on worn plates because the 
close tolerances between the interwoven design elements on the $5s precluded the use of separate vignette 
rolls for refurbishing the vignettes as was the practice on the higher denomination subjects in the series. 
 One mistake they made at the Continental Bank Note Company was to engrave the Treasury 
signatures on their master dies. Once hardened, those signatures were there to stay. See Figures 2 and 3. 
When Register of the Treasury Colby took office on August 11, 1864, variety 3 plates were current. 
The protocol was for banks chartered thereafter to carry his signature instead of Chittenden’s. Chittenden’s 
signature could not be removed from the variety 3 master full-face die because it had been hardened. The 
most likely way the dilemma was solved was to lift a new roll from the die and remove his signature from 
the roll. The unwanted signature stood in relief on its surface so it would have been a fairly easy task to 
remove it prior to hardening the roll. The only onerous part of the job was clearing the loops in his signature 
that extended upward into “with the U. S. Treasury at Washington.” Vestiges of those loops show on some 
notes and proofs. See Figure 23. 
Colby’s signature then had to be laid-in as a separate operation on each subject along with the bank-
specific items. Therefore, his signature wanders within the space allotted for it from proof to proof and even 
between the subjects on the same proof 
revealing this is how it was handled.  
The change of the act date on the 
variety 2 die for charters 457, 458 and 
459(?) probably was handled similarly. 
Notice from Figure 3 that 
Colby’s and Spinner’s signatures were on 
the variety 4 master die. Consequently, 
when Jeffries and Allison assumed the 
office of register on October 5, 1867, and 
April 3, 1869, respectively; their 
signatures had to be dealt with in the 
same fashion as Colby’s had been with 
the variety 3 die. 
Interesting is that Colby’s 
signature on variety 3 faces is slightly 
different than on variety 4. The most 
easily discernible differences involve 
variations between the small loop in the 
left side of the “o” and the space inside 
the loop of the “l.” 
Where the story gets interesting 
and a bit convoluted is when the dies, 
rolls and plates for the faces were turned 
over to the Bureau of Engraving and 
Printing in 1875. The Bureau received 
the variety 2 and 4 master dies, which 
respectively carried Chittenden/Spinner 
Figure 23. Colby’s signature (top) was updated on Original Series 
plates that were altered into Series of 1875 forms at the BEP. 
Notice the residual loop from his signature on the Series of 1875 
plate (bottom) for The Market National Bank of Boston (505). 
 
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and Colby/Spinner signatures. Before the Bureau could begin making their own Series of 1875 plates, they 
had to contend with those obsolete signatures identically as the Continental Bank Note Company had in the 
past. The Bureau employees probably also removed the signatures from the rolls they made from the variety 
2 and 4 master dies in order to accomplish the job. 
The Original Series plates transferred to the Bureau made for a huge headache because they had to 
be altered by updating the Treasury signatures. Those signatures had to be physically removed from each 
subject on the plates and the new signatures rolled in. The difficult task was to remove the loops from the 
old signatures where they overlapped other design elements. It is not uncommon to find vestiges of those 
loops on Series of 1875 notes. See Figure 23. 
National bank note face plates were not hardened because production from them was modest. 
Consequently, signature and other alterations could be carried out fairly readily. Also, because they were 
soft, the plates could be reentered to refurbished worn design elements when necessary. 
The lives of plates commonly were prolonged by reentering the vignettes because the vignettes 
were the first design elements to exhibit wear. The reentries of $5 Series of 1875 face plates were 
accomplished on transfer presses using a full-face roll to repress the parts of the faces containing the 
vignettes into the worn plate. 
Care was taken by Bureau siderographers to use the appropriate bank note company rolls when 
reentering the vignettes on the former Continental Bank Note Company plates. It is clear, however, that 
neither the variety 3 master die nor roll(s) lifted from it were transferred to the BEP, or if they were, they 
Figure 24. Variety 4 vignettes (bottom note) were reentered over variety 3 vignettes (top note) 
when the Series of 1875 plate for this bank was reentered. Faint remnants of the variety 3 
tree remain to the left of the upper right counter. Notice that the Treasury signatures were 
updated. 
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were unserviceable because BEP siderographers never reentered a variety 3 vignette on any variety 3 plate 
that the Bureau received. When variety 3 plates required reentry, variety 2 or 4 rolls had to be used, thereby 
creating interesting and exotic notes. The force exerted through a roll was sufficient to obliterated the old 
variety 3 vignettes as the new were laid in over it. 
An excellent example involves the issues from The Continental National Bank of Boston, 
Massachusetts (524). There are two 5-5-5-5 Series of 1875 proofs in the Smithsonian holdings. As 
illustrated on Figure 24, the earlier has variety 3 vignettes, Allison-New signatures and plate letters A-B-
C-D. The later has variety 4 vignettes, Scofield-Gilfillan signatures and plate letters A-B-C-D. Remnants 
of the larger left side and top of the variety 3 tree are preserved in the right-hand vignettes on the second 
proof. Clearly the plate had been reentered with a variety 4 roll that almost completely obliterated the pre-
existing variety 3 images. The later proof did not have the characteristic stars next to the plate letters, 
indicating that the plate was reentered before the Bureau started using stars to designate reentered plates. 
A similar observation involves two Series of 1875 5-5-5-5 proofs for The North National Bank of 
Boston, Massachusetts (525). In this case, the proof from the reentered plate carries the same Allison-New 
signatures as the original, has the reentry stars next to the plate letters and exhibits remnants of the 
obliterated variety 3 vignettes. However, it has variety 2 vignettes. See Figure 25. This reentry occurred 
later than that for charter 524, after they stopped updating the Treasury signatures. The reentry was reported 
to the Comptroller in a letter dated May 2, 1879. 
 
Part IV 
THE CONTINENTAL BANK NOTE COMPANY 
 The Continental Bank Note Company was founded in January,1863 by Waterman Lily Ormsby in 
league with financial backers as a rival to the American and National Bank Note companies (McCabe, 
2016, p. 124-131). Ormsby was a brilliant individual, albeit very critical of and abrasive to the established 
securities engraving profession. He was a skilled engraver, siderographer and mechanical innovator who 
improved on machines used in the engraving trade such as the transfer press, geometric lathe, ruling 
machine and pantograph. He invented a machine he called the kaleidograph for creating so-called mosaic 
engravings along the lines of geometric lathes (Jackson, 1983). 
 Ormsby stanchly advocated for the adoption by the securities engraving profession of what he 
called unit systems for currency designs (Ormsby, 1852, 1862). His unit system involved one picture 
engraving covering the entire face of a note with the necessary hand-engraved text interwoven into it “so 
that counterfeiters cannot divide it, and procure the parts engraved by professional artists” (Jackson, 1978). 
Figure 25. Variety 2 vignettes were reentered over variety 3 vignettes when the plate 
containing this note was reentered in May 1879. The Treasury signatures were not changed 
because this reentry occurred after they stopped updating signatures on reentered plates. 
Notice the star next to the upper left plate letter to signify that the plate had been reentered. 
 
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Figure 26. Ormsby’s Original Series $5 design didn’t quite adhere to his unit system design concept (top). The 
BEP, with George Casilear as chief engraver, went the opposite direction from Ormsby through the 1870s and 
early 1880s with patchwork designs right down to the laying-in of individual letters (middle), but eventually 
Treasury officials had second thoughts. Ormsby had been dead for 13 years when the educational silver 
certificates hit the streets, which were the embodiment of his unit system concept with lavish engravings that 
covered the whole with interwoven hand-engraved text (bottom). Heritage Auction Archives photos. 
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 He touted his concept of unit systems as far superior to the then industry standard patch work 
designs that stitched together separate—often stock—vignettes, lathe work and lettering to create the faces 
of notes. Early in his career, he distained the use of lathe work—engravings made by geometric lathes—
which were popular and cheap to make that were used as stand-alone ornaments, backgrounds upon which 
counters were superimposed and building blocks used in repetitive border work. Naturally, his opinions 
drew the ire of his competitors. 
 Ormsby’s Continental Bank Note Company won the contract for the Original Series $5s. The 
design of the faces of the $5s represented a compromise to his unit system principals, yet it stands out in 
the Original/1875 series for having more surface area devoted to vignettes than the other denominations. 
 Although Ormsby organized the Continental Bank Note Company, he didn’t own a controlling 
interest. A man named Touro Robertson gained control and pushed him out in 1867. Ormsby attempted to 
form a new firm he called Republican Unit Bank Note Company around 1870, but nothing came of it. He 
died in 1883, at age 73. The Continental Bank Note Company was merged into The American Bank Note 
Company along with the National Bank Note Company in 1879. 
 Ormsby’s unit note concept was ignored, especially at the Bureau of Engraving and Printing during 
Chief Engraver George Casilear’s reign from the mid-1870s to mid-1880s. Casilear’s emphasis was on 
lettering and text-dominated designs in a form of patch work that utilized recycled alphabets of engraved 
letters that were laid in by siderographers one letter at a time rather than featuring hand engravings. His 
designs were attacked as inferior and reviled as inartistic by the engraving establishment. 
 Eventually the Treasury and Bureau of Engraving and Printing reacted by reviving emphasis on 
engraved work, which became ever more elaborate going into the 1890s. The all-time culmination of this 
swing was the Series of 1896 educational silver certificates, where no paper could be seen through the 
lavish intaglio engravings that covered the notes, and where lettering and counters were almost lost in the 
cacophony. Although Ormsby was dead by then, his philosophy behind bank note design had ultimately 
infected the BEP. 
His post-mortem influence lasted only a few years. By 1899, the Educational Series was supplanted 
by more open and streamlined designs. More paper showed through so holders could see the imbedded 
threads in the paper, which also were being touted as a counterfeiting deterrent.  
CLOSING REMARKS 
Four pairs of face vignettes, three back vignettes and three renderings of the use and counterfeit 
statements on the backs were used on $5 Original Series and Series of 1875 notes over the 40-year life of 
the combined series. Dies and rolls for all of these varieties had been put into service by October 1864. 
The use of the retired vignettes on the face plates that they graced lived on, many for a full 20 years 
into 1884, when the last of the user banks was extended. In contrast, the lives of the earliest of the back-
vignette plates with 1863 act dates were considerably shorter because none were turned over to the Bureau 
of Engraving and Printing for use in printing Series of 1875 notes. 
 A design feature unique to the $5 denomination in the Original/1875 series was the display of the 
act date that authorized the series in the bottom border of the faces and in the counterfeit statement inside 
the right back border. Two different act dates appeared, February 25, 1863 and June 3, 1864. The 1864 act 
date began service on both the faces and backs as soon as the act was passed regardless of the act that the 
bank was organized under. From about July 1871, the 1863 act dates on the faces were mated with 1864 
backs. Treasury officials overseeing the note emissions thought nothing of the mis-mating because in their 
view the 1864 act simply supplanted the 1863 act wherein the terms governing the issuance and backing 
for the notes was the same. 
It is unknown which pairs of face vignettes were used on the $5s for charters 459, 526 and 527. 
Specimens have not been observed from these banks and proofs for them don’t exist in the Smithsonian 
holdings. If you examine the changeover breaks on Table 1, you will observe that the plates for these banks 
straddled two of them, thus making discovery of specimens from these three of particular interest to the 
authors. 
 
 
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REFERENCE CITED AND SOURCES OF DATA 
Bureau of Engraving and Printing, 1875-1929, Certified proofs of national bank note face and back plates: National Numismatic 
Collections, Museum of American History, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC. 
Bureau of Engraving and Printing, various dates-a, Correspondence to and from the Bureau of Engraving and Printing: Record 
Group 318, U. S. National Archives, College Park, MD. 
Dillistin, William H., 1956, A descriptive history of national bank notes 1863-1935: Private Printing, Paterson, NJ, 55 p. 
Graves, E. O., Edward Wolcott and E. R. Chapman, 1877, Report on the Bureau of Engraving and Printing made by the Committee 
of Investigation appointed by the Secretary of the Treasury: Government Printing Office, Washington, DC, 40 p. plus 
appendices. 
Hessler, Gene, 2004, U. S. essay, proof and specimen notes, second edition: BNR Press, Portage, OH, 262 p. 
Hessler, Gene, and Carlson Chambliss, 2006. The comprehensive catalog of U. S. paper money, seventh edition: BNR Press, 
Portage, OH, 672 p. 
Huntoon, Peter, May 2019, Discovery of a new numbered Orig/1875 plate: Bank Note Reporter, v. 68, no. 5, p. 12, 14, 16, 18. 
Jackson, Glenn E., 1978, W. L. Ormsby correspondence with Treasury Department uncovered: The Essay-Proof Journal, whole 
no. 139, p. 111-118. 
Jackson, Glenn E., 1983, Mosaic engraving: The Essay-Proof Journal, whole no. 159, p. 136-138. 
Jackson, Glenn E., 1984, Further light on the reputation of W. L. Ormsby, 19th century bank note and stamp engraver: The Essay-
Proof Journal, whole no. 162, p. 60-65. 
McCabe, Bob, 2016, Counterfeiting and technology: Whitman Publishing, LLC, Atlanta, GA, 480 p.  
Ormsby, Waterman Lily, 1852, A description of the present system of bank note engraving, showing its tendency to facilitate 
counterfeiting to which is added a new method of constructing bank notes to prevent forgery: privately published, New 
York, NY, 101 p. 
Ormsby, Waterman Lily, 1862, Cycloidal configurations or the harvest of counterfeiters, containing matter of the highest 
importance concerning paper money, also explaining the Unit System of bank note engraving: privately published, New 
York, NY, 45 p. 
United States Statutes, March 3, 1875, An act making appropriations for sundry expenses of the government for the fiscal year 
ending June 30, 1876: Government Printing Office, Washington, DC. 
Walcutt, Doug, 1996a, Varieties of national bank notes, part five; The Rag Picker (Paper Money Collectors of Michigan): v. 31, 
no. 1, p. 12-25. 
Walcutt, Doug, 1996b, Varieties of national bank notes, part six; The Rag Picker (Paper Money Collectors of Michigan): v. 31, no. 
2, p. 7-16. 
Another loss for the Hobby
Sadly, we must report the loss another hobby giant. Roger Durand passed away Feb 6. 
Roger was a long-time SPMC member. He joined the society in 1970 as member #2816
and was awarded honorary life member #21. In 2016, he was named to the SPMC Hall
of Fame. Mr. Durand served the society tirelessly serving as President from 1987-89
VP 1983-87, Treasurer 1979-83, Librarian 1994-99 and served as chair of the Wismer
committee in 1991-1992.    Besides these services, he won multiple SPMC awards
including a literary award in 1978, award of merit in 1981 and ’90 and placed the best-
of show exhibit in 1989 and again in 1992.  He was named a Numismatic Ambassador as well. Roger was 
a prolific author and had almost 50 articles he penned that were published in Paper Money. He also wrote 
a Wismer book, “Notes of Rhode Island and the Providence Plantations” that debuted in 1981 as well as a 
series of 13 books on vignettes and in 2011 he published a profusely illustrated 85-page book, "The 
Fabulous Roger H. Durand Santa Claus Notes Collection."  Mr. Durand also served the hobby as 
president of the Currency Club of New England, president of the Western Rhode Island Coin and Stamp 
Association and president of the Pawtucket Numismatic Society.  
SPMC.org * Paper Money * March/April 2022 * Whole Number 338
106
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Bankers Go for Outing, Wind Up in Jail 
by Nick Bruyer 
 
Charles F. Knapp was an ambitious and resourceful pioneer.  Born in 1797 in Colchester, New York, he started 
life as a farmer, became a teacher and then a merchant.   
Life in Colchester during the early 1800s revolved around lumber, hide tanning and agriculture.  Eventually 
Charles Knapp built stakes in a lumber mill and a tannery.  The lumber industry depended upon the rivers running 
through the town, especially the west branch of the Delaware .  Each spring when the snow melted and the river rose, 
huge rafts of logs were lashed together, some 60 feet wide and 200 feet long, and floated down the Delaware to 
market in Philadelphia.  There the logs were consumed for buildings, ships and wagons, among other things. 
Aside from the river, transportation to and from Colchester was difficult.  A state road did not reach it until 1820 
and the first train did not arrive until 1906.  So when Charles F. Knapp heard that in 1848 the New York and Erie 
Railroad would extend its line to a spot about 30 miles downstream on the Delaware known as “Deposit”, he decided 
to relocate his businesses there.  The railroad would attract business and allow his products to move in and out of 
town faster and cheaper. 
“Deposit” got its name from a bend in the Delaware 
river where timber cutters stockpiled vast numbers of 
logs for the winter.  There they awaited until the annual 
spring “freshets” engorged the river.   
In 1851 the Village of Deposit was incorporated and 
Charles F. Knapp was elected its first president. 
When the virgin forests 
were cut from the valley 
around Deposit, farming 
took root.  Charles 
Knapp listened carefully 
to the aspirations and 
troubles of the town’s 
citizens.  The lumber 
cutters sought loans to get 
them through the winter, 
while the farmers needed 
credit to get them through the summer.  Knapp decided to sell his businesses and 
dedicate himself to banking. 
On February 23, 1853 he became “Charles Knapp, Banker”.  On February 20, 
1854 it became The Deposit Bank.  Two years later he converted to a state bank 
association, with capital of $125,000, and issued circulating bank notes.  He maintained 
control by purchasing two-thirds of the shares and brought in family members to help 
run the bank. 
Initially the Knapp bank conducted its business at 44 Pine Street, 
a building adjacent to Charles F. Knapp’s residence. Under his auspices 
the bank soon became the dominant economic force in the village.  On 
August 1, 1864 it reorganized as The Deposit National Bank, charter 
number 472, capitalized at $125,000.  Charles F. Knapp continued as 
its president, with his son, 21-year-old James H. Knapp, as cashier.  In 
1866 another of Knapp’s sons, Charles J. Knapp, was brought into the 
bank as a teller after graduating from college.   It was the next step in 
the building of a banking family that would span more than a half 
century. 
Charles F. Knapp strongly opposed slavery, so he was among the 
first to join the new Republican Party.   He successfully ran for 
Congress and served in the 41st United States Congress, (March 4, 1869 
– March 4, 1871). 
 
 
Logs cut and stockpiled the prior season were lashed together into
huge rafts and floated down the Delaware river to Philadelphia in
the spring. (Colchesterhistoricalsociety.org) 
In 1853 Charles Knapp founded the 
first bank in Deposit.
(Topographical Atlas of Broome
County, New York, S. N. & D. G.
Beers, 1866) 
The original Deposit National Bank building was 
restored and is now a museum.  
(Deposit Historical Society)
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Merged with the First National Bank of Adams 
The First National bank of Adams, New York was organized August 27, 1863, as charter #71.  Solon D. 
Hungerford was president.  Ten years later, on March 17, 1873, it was merged into the Deposit National bank.  
National bank notes surviving from this bank are among the rarest of the first 100 charters, with but a single $5 note 
reported. 
 
The capitalization of the Deposit National Bank increased from 125,000 to $200,000.  In 1874 it moved into a 
new building at 145 Second Street.  In September of that year the founder’s son, Charles J. Knapp, was elected 
Cashier and James H. Knapp was promoted to vice president. 
Just five years after the bank increased its capital, in 1878 it cut its capitalization in half, to just $100,000.   The 
reason given by the Knapps was that the reduction would “avoid the payment of excessive taxes”. 
At the beginning of 1880 family patriarch Charles F. Knapp 
and his sons held all key positions at the bank.  Son James H. 
Knapp was vice president, Charles J. Knapp was cashier and 
Herbert W. Knapp was assistant cashier.  On May 14 their father 
passed away at the age of 83.  Soon thereafter his three sons took 
full control:  James became president, Charles J. became vice 
president and Herbert became cashier. 
Although James H. Knapp led the bank as president for the 
next seven years, his health steadily declined until he died on 
November 13, 1887.  At this point the presidency of the bank fell 
to his younger brother, Charles J. Knapp.   
Just three months later, the second of the three brothers, 
Cashier Herbert Knapp, died on Feb. 13, 1888.  He was only 38 
years old.   
 
In 1873 the First National
Bank of Adams was merged
into the Deposit National
Bank.  Only this First Charter
$5 note is known to survive.
(Heritage Auctions) 
 
Bank founder Charles F. Knapp built an impressive 
mansion in Deposit (author’s collection)
First charter $1 note signed by the
founders’ sons James H. Knapp as V.P.
and Herbert V. Knapp as Cashier.  Both
died three months apart 
(author’s Collection)
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In the space of three months the Deposit National Bank lost two of the three sons founder Charles F. Knapp had 
groomed to lead it.  The remaining son and bank president, Charles Junius Knapp, was 44 years old.  Like his father, 
he was not only a banker but an aspiring politician. 
Charles J. had been twice elected to the New York State Assembly, in 1886 and 1888.   Moreover, he would 
soon be elected to a seat in in the 51st U.S. Congress, holding office from March 4, 1889, to March 3, 1891.  He 
served on the House Committee on Coinage, Weights, and Measures. 
Certainly Charles J. Knapp’s time in the state and federal legislatures expanded his horizons.  He rubbed elbows 
with constituents from his district as well as other bankers and financiers.  He began to ponder what opportunities 
might be found beyond the little town of Deposit.  An idea began to germinate 
In 1887 New York passed the Trust Companies Act.   While trusts perform functions such as acting as trustees 
for estates, corporate mortgages and as agents, underwriters and registrars for various financial transactions, they may 
also perform bank-like functions such as accepting deposits and purchasing loans.  Before 1900 there was relatively 
little regulatory control over trust companies.   
 In 1890 Charles J. relocated with his family 30 miles west of Deposit to the city of Binghamton, New York, to 
organize a trust company.  His wife, the former Charlotte Augusta Ford, appreciated the move, as her family lived in 
Binghamton.  On September 8, 1890 Charles J. Knapp incorporated the Binghamton Trust Company, with himself 
as its president and largest shareholder. 
Doubtless Charles J. took advantage of his family’s decades-long banking reputation, his standing as a U.S. 
Congressman, and his pledge to provide the majority of the trust company’s capitalization in order to attract the 
Binghamton community to invest in his firm.  His majority control over the business ensured that he would have the 
final say as to how and where the trust company’s assets were invested.  Moreover, he appointed his son, F. Percy 
Knapp, as cashier. 
Dual Presidency 
Despite his relocation to Binghamton and new trust company duties, Charles J. Knapp continued as president of 
the Deposit National Bank.  However, for the day-to-day management of the Deposit business he relied upon his 
nephew, cashier Charles P. Knapp. 
27-year-old Charles P. Knapp was born with the proverbial silver spoon in his mouth.  As an only child, his 
parents lavished attention upon him.  They sent him to Phillips Academy in Exeter, New Hampshire, one of the best 
preparatory schools in America.  After graduating in 1884 he was promptly ushered into the Deposit National Bank 
as a teller. 
Young Charles P. was ambitious, confident and groomed for success.  According to a biographical sketch 
published in 1893, “He has contributed largely, both in money and influence, to advance the interests of this part of 
the county. A glance at the village of Deposit will indicate what manner of men have the controlling power, and will 
show the sort of public spirit they possess. The electric lights, water-works, soldiers' monument, and various other 
public improvements would be creditable to a town four times its size and Mr. Knapp has done his full share toward 
bringing these about.” The story went on to note that Charles P. was the president of the Deposit Board of Trade and 
a shareholder and “prime mover” of the Deposit Electric Company--- all of this in a village of a little more than 1,500 
people. 
The Knapp family wasted no time tapping the funds of the Binghamton Trust Company.  As the dual president 
of both institutions, Charles J. implemented a program in which loans generated by Deposit were sold at a discount 
to Binghamton.  The immediate consequence was to greatly increase the amount of cash to invest in Deposit, far 
beyond what had been available from the local loggers, farmers and merchants. 
The bank’s first 1882 $5 Brown Back, 
Serial no. 1-A, was signed by brothers 
James H. and Herbert W. Knapp. 
Certainly it was saved by one of them 
as a souvenir.  
 
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Charles P. sprinkled money like magic fairy dust throughout Deposit. His bank’s deep pockets facilitated 
industrial growth, including a pearl button factory, sled factory, glove factory, overall factory, cigar factory and in 
1894 Gail Borden’s Condensed Milk Plant #4. 
In 1894 the Knapps constructed a much larger banking 
house on Front Street.  The Deposit National Bank 
commenced business there on March 9, 1895.  They 
reserved the third story for the use of community 
organizations such as the Independent Order of Odd 
Fellows and the Improved Order of Redmen.  Charles P. 
organized and led a musical group known as “Knapp’s 
Millionaire Band”, which performed there for the Monday 
Evening Dance Club. 
The Deposit Bank Goes Private 
In 1901 the directors of the Deposit National Bank 
held a meeting at which they made a surprising decision:  
They voted to surrender the bank’s national charter and 
become a private firm, to be known as the Knapp Brothers 
Bank.  They published an announcement that the Deposit 
National Bank would accept no new business, but the 
Knapp Brothers would. One can only imagine the concerns raised among depositors and creditors alike about why 
the Knapps made this change.   
By giving up its national charter and becoming a private entity, the Deposit bank eliminated much regulation 
and oversight.  The Knapp’s banking activities in Deposit became opaque to all but the family’s inner circle. 
Some of the Knapp’s bank loans were successful, but others soured.  By the turn of the 20th century demand for 
pearl buttons faded, forcing the factory to close.  In 1902 it was converted into a silk factory, with an investment in 
new machinery.  Unfortunately that business soon failed as well. 
James Knapp Reeve 
James Knapp Reeve was an author, editor and literary publisher.  He was born in 1856 about fourteen miles 
from Deposit, in Hancock, New York.  Reeve was related to the Knapps on his mother’s side through his grandfather, 
James Wright Knapp, a brother of the Deposit bank’s founder. 
In 1894 James Knapp Reeve co-wrote 1001 Places to Sell Manuscripts: The American Writer's Yearbook and 
Directory to Publications.  In 1895 he began publishing the magazine A Journal of Information for Literary Workers, 
one of several resources he created for aspiring writers seeking to be published.  He served as the editor of the short-
story magazine The Gray Goose and produced a growing number of self-help literary publications.  In 1899 he 
published a manuscript by a then unknown writer named Jack London, entitled “On the Writer’s Philosophy of Life” 
in The Editor magazine.  Reeve called his publishing house the James Knapp Reeve Company. 
The largest and most successful of Reeve’s publications was Outing magazine.  Outing began in 1882 as 
Wheelman, "an illustrated magazine of cycling literature and news".  It went through several changes over the years 
until it morphed into Outing, a magazine dedicated to sports, adventure, travel and fiction.   
The circumstances under which James Knapp Reeve met up with his distant relatives in Deposit are unknown, 
but the consequences were enormous.  Reeve’s enthusiasm for his publishing business impressed the Knapp family.  
Reeves had the writers, the illustrators and knowledge.  He suggested that with more capital, he could bring move his 
company to Deposit and grow it.   
The Knapps had money and were looking for ways to reinvigorate the town’s declining business.  They had a 
large, empty building--- the old Pearl Button Factory.  They showed it to Reeves and he declared that if gutted and 
remodeled, it could be reborn as a suitable publishing plant.  It would bring hundreds of jobs and new prosperity to 
the community.       
In 1904 the Knapp family bought a controlling interest in the James Knapp Reeve Company from Reeve and a 
co-owner, Caspar Whitney.  They changed its name to the Outing Publishing Company and appointed Knapp Brothers 
Bank cashier Charles P. Knapp as its president.  James Knapp Reeve became its Secretary and operating manager.  
Caspar Whitney was editor in chief of the magazine.  However, his name also was used as president of the company. 
 
A new 3-story building was constructed for the Deposit bank in
1895.  It still stands today at 105 Front Street. (Loopnet.com) 
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Outing’s publishing plant was moved into the 
building formerly occupied by the button Company.  The 
space was gutted and rebuilt into a printing and publishing 
operation, with five new presses.  The company continued 
to have offices in New York City at 35-37 West 31st Street, 
but its headquarters and publishing plant were in Deposit. 
The freshly recapitalized Outing Publishing Company 
opened for business on January 1, 1905.  The impact on the 
town was dramatic.  The company employed 175.  Due to 
the rising volume of mail from the publisher, the post office 
was upgraded to a First-Class office, with free mail 
delivery to the citizens.  Outing even created its own 
baseball team.  Among its players were author Zane Grey 
and his brother, who played second and third base, 
respectively. 
The new owners began to rapidly expand Outing’s publishing business with loans 
provided by the Knapp bank.  Outing became the nation’s leading outdoors magazine.  Its 
publishing plant was the largest outside of a major U.S. city. 
For years James Knapp Reeve had been writing “how to” books and articles for 
aspiring writers.  Now he had the power to publish them.  Reeve was buying and 
publishing the works of America's top writers and illustrators, including Frederick 
Remington, N. C. Wyeth ("In the Crystal Depths", 1906), Jack London (White Fang) 
and  Zane Grey. In 1906 the company ramped up the publication of hardcover books 
with titles such as “The Book of Camping and Woodcraft”, “The Story of the 
Outlaw” and “Motoring Abroad”.   
Meanwhile, the Knapp Brothers Bank worked feverishly to expand their access 
to cash.  In 1906 they opened a branch in the town of Callicoon, about 37 miles 
southeast of Deposit.   Yet the appetite for cash to fund the expanding Outing 
publishing empire seemed insatiable. 
Knapp family 
ownership and 
control of three 
companies--- the Binghamton Trust Company 
(Charles J. Knapp, President, son Percy Knapp, 
Cashier), the Knapp Brothers Bank (Charles J. 
Knapp, Pres, Charles P. Knapp, Cashier), and the 
Outing Publishing Company (Charles P. Knapp, 
Pres) --- created a perfect opportunity for self-
dealing. 
In 1907 the Outing Publishing Co. issued 
$300,000 in mortgage bonds, $290,000 of which 
were sold to the Binghamton Trust Company.  
Attorney Taylor Moore, while attending a meeting 
of the board of directors of Outing, advised them that 
issuing the bonds was illegal since no notice of a 
meeting to decide the issuance had been published.  
He later met with Charles J. Knapp at the 
Binghamton Trust Co. and told him flatly that the 
bonds were illegal and that the trust company should 
reject them.  His advice was ignored. (Binghamton 
Press, Feb. 13, 1914) 
 
 
 
 
Old postcard shows the Outing publishing plant on Second 
Street in Deposit. 
Outing published Zane Grey’s 
novel The Last of the Plainsmen in 
1908. (Wikipedia)
1905 stock certificate issued after the Knapp family bought control of
the company and changed its name to Outing Publishing.  James Knapp
Reeve signed as Treasurer and Caspar Whitney as President. 
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 Did the allure of rubbing elbows with the glittering 
luminaries of art and literature blind the Knapps to the financial 
realities of running a publishing business?  Perhaps they 
imagined creating a publishing empire as mogul William 
Randolph Hearst was doing? 
With too rapid growth and a lack of controls, Outing 
Publishing Co. began losing money.  According to company 
director Allan C. Hoftman, the company “took over the three 
Reeves magazines and branched out extensively in the 
publishing business.  A large printing plant was acquired, and 
considerable book work and job printing undertaken.  The 
expenses of the company have been heavy and the company has 
had labor troubles.” 
On February 1, 1909 a new state law went into effect 
requiring all trust companies to keep a cash reserve of at least 
10% of their aggregate deposits.  That meant the Binghamton 
Trust Company needed to have $295,000 in cash on hand.  If 
they were short then they would have to cease making new loans 
and pressure their borrowers, especially if those borrowers were 
in arrears. 
Sixty days after the new law Charles J. Knapp, acting as 
president of the trust company, clearly was distraught.  On April 
5 he sent an angry message to his nephew, Charles P. at the 
Knapp bank in Deposit, demanding to know “why in hell don’t 
you come across?” He was referring to an overdue payment to 
the trust company.  Three days later the reason became clear. 
“KNAPP BANKS FAIL; BIG LOAN TO OUTING” 
So ran the headline in the New York Times the day after 
the Knapp brothers’ banks in Deposit and Callicoon and the Binghamton Trust Company all closed their doors on 
April 8, 1909.  According to the story, loans by the banks to the Outing Publishing Company amounted to over 
$700,000, a staggering sum considering that the total deposits in the Knapp Brothers Bank were $650,000.  According 
to the story, “The failure of the three institutions came practically without warning except to members of the Knapp 
firm.  The Directors of the trust company were called together last night, and were informed that the Knapp banks 
were about to close their doors.” 
Directors of the bank expressed optimism that they would soon reopen.  They called in the New York State 
Banking Department to maintain order and prevent a run on the banks.  However, as they sifted through the bank’s 
records the receivers became alarmed.   
The Knapp Brothers bank had virtually no assets, save for a few loans to local farmers.  As the Appellate Division 
of the Supreme Court of New York reported years later, “... if the Binghamton Trist Company had failed to make 
loans to the firm of Knapp Brothers, the latter would have been forced to retire from business, for they were 
unquestionably insolvent between the establishing of these private banks (Deposit and Callicoon) in 1903 until their 
bankruptcy in 1909 … the loans from time to time from the Binghamton Trust Company were made for the purpose 
of maintaining the credit of the Knapp Brothers, who were constantly engaged in highly speculative enterprises, 
which reasonably honest and intelligent men must have known could have but one result.” 
The court said “There was an overdraft on the part of Knapp Brothers almost continuously from the organization 
of the private bank to the date of their closing, and this overdraft was continuously growing through manipulations 
designed to preserve the credit of the Knapp Brothers.” 
Over time the Knapps had funneled over $600,000 from the trust company to their private bank. 
Through all the turmoil the Outing Publishing Company remained in business and kept busy filling orders.  
However, it was not long before James Knapp Reeve was fired.  As a local newspaper observed, “The general feeling 
is that Mr. Reeve had much to do with whatever extravagance there was in the management of the Outing Company”. 
(Binghamton Press and Leader, April 21, 1909). 
Eventually Outing was placed in the hands of receivers.  They were stunned to discover that the firm routinely 
issued checks payable “to bearer”, with rubber stamped signatures of the president, Charles P. Knapp, and treasurer 
James Knapp Reeve.  The lack of financial controls and accountability was jaw-dropping. (Binghamton Press and 
Leader, April 21, 1909) 
Cover of the June 1909 issue of Outing magazine.
(Courtesy Yesterday's Gallery and Babylon Revisited)
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Bankers Indicted 
Charles J. Knapp, president of both the Knapp Brothers bank and the Binghamton Trust Company, and his 
nephew Charles P. Knapp, cashier of the Knapp bank and president of Outing Publishing Company, both were 
indicted by a grand jury for criminally transferring money to an institution known to be insolvent. Charles P.  was 
convicted of bank fraud and sentenced to prison on June 24, 1910. Charles J. was acquitted in 1913.   Three years 
later he died at his home in Binghamton  
Neither the Knapp Brothers bank nor the Binghamton Trust Company ever re-opened.  the trust company’s 
creditors included the City of Binghamton, which had $65,000 in deposits as well as $47,000 in court trust funds.  
Eventually creditors received fifty cents on the dollar.  Most Knapp family members declared bankruptcy, as did 
Caspar Whitney. 
As for the Outing Publishing Company, receivers were appointed and it was sold at public auction. On August 
24, 1909, the building and grounds were sold for $3,000.  The publishing entity moved to Boston and continued in 
business under new ownership until 1923. 
Over sixty years later Raymond E. Ruegger wrote in his Passing the Time newspaper column that the failure of 
the Knapp Brothers bank “dealt the community a stunning blow, reaching its very economical foundations --- the 
scars of which are still in evidence”.   
Today a few remnants remain of the Knapp family banking and publishing businesses.  Redeemed $1 and $10 
obsolete bank notes of the original Deposit Bank reside in the Deposit Historical Museum.  Three Original Series $1 
notes, a $5 (serial no.1), a $10 (serial no. 1) and a $20 1882 Brownback note survive from the Deposit National Bank.  
The first building constructed to house the bank has been restored and continues life as the home of the Deposit 
Historical Society. As for Outing, the magazines and books it published are now collector’s items, especially those 
featuring great authors and illustrators such as Jack London, Zane Grey and Maxfield Parrish. 
 
Sources 
 Binghamton Trust Company Failure, Wikipedia.com 
 Deposit Historical Society, deposithistoricalsociety. 
 “Knapp Banks Fail; Big Loan to Outing”, New York Times, NY NY 10 Apr 1909. 
 “Knapp Brothers continued in business until the close of business April 8, 1909, when they failed.” The Federal Reporter:  
Cases Argued and Determined in the Circuit and District Courts of the United States, Vols 241-242 p. 540. 
 Knapp, Charles P., ---Biographical Review, The Leading Citizens of Delaware County, New York.  Biographical Review 
Publishing Company, 1893 
 Reeves, James Knapp, “Widely Known Author Dies at Home”, The Dayton Herald, Dayton OH 25 Oct 1933 p. 16.  The 
obituary provides a brief summary of Reeve’s career. 
 Ruegger, Raymond E., Passing the Time with “Vic”; History of Deposit, New York, Deposit Community Historical 
Society, Deposit, NY 2007 
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114
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Major Upham’s Coupons 
by Terry A. Bryan 
 
 The Wisconsin Gubernatorial election raised an issue 
about private scrip issued by the Republican candidate’s 
company.  Although his record as a manufacturer was 
comparatively paternalistic for his time, William Henry 
Upham (1841-1924) was faced with partisanship from his 
employees and townsfolk.  He won 
over the Democrat incumbent to 
become Governor for one term, 1895-
1897.  
 Upham was born in Massachusetts 
into a family that had arrived shortly 
after the Pilgrims.   The family moved 
through Niles, Michigan and Racine, 
Wisconsin.  His school in Racine was the first public school in Wisconsin.  He enlisted in a 
Wisconsin regiment in the spring 1861 and received a chest wound by July at First Manassas.  
The Confederates overran the hospital area, and Upham was captured and taken to the 
infamous Libby Prison in Richmond.  The Wisconsin unit’s surgeon saved his life.  A friend 
saw him hit, assumed that nobody could live after such a wound, and the folks at home 
organized a memorial.  The eloquent funeral oration was reprinted in area newspapers. 
 A Wisconsin Senator arranged for Lincoln to meet the paroled POW in Washington.  Lincoln desired 
information about prison conditions and the Richmond situation.  From Lincoln, Upham received placement at West 
Point, and he continued in the Army until 1869.  His notable service was as Officer of the Guard at Fortress Monroe 
at Newport News.  He spent many hours in conversation with his star prisoner, President Jefferson Davis. 
 In 1871, a new town was being laid out in northern Wisconsin, and Upham arrived there with brother Charles 
to start a sawmill and shingle mill.  The family arrived at the right time to exploit what must have seemed like an  
inexhaustible supply of wood.  The raw new town of Marshfield 
had their major industry and employers in the Upham Brothers.  
By 1895, they were said to “own just about everything in the 
city”.  William built an impressive mansion in 1880, today 
headquarters of the North 
Wood County Historical 
Society. 
 The brothers expanded 
into furniture, veneer, retail, 
flour milling and grain 
brokerage.  By 1890, they 
owned the local trolley company, the waterworks and the electric plant.  They 
were major investors in the Wisconsin Central Rail Road that carried their 
products nationwide.  A furniture retailers’ journal described their products as 
cheap, medium- and high-grade chamber suits [sic], odd dressers, chiffoniers, 
sideboards and buffets” in 1890. Their manufacturing company lasted until 1927.   
 Upham entered politics as 3-term mayor of Marshfield in the 1880s.  As the 
town’s leading employer, mayor, and businessman, he was in a position to lead rebuilding efforts when practically 
the entire community burned in 1887.  The disaster was ignited by a fire at the Upham lumber mill.  The town 
recovered, and many wooden buildings were replaced in brick within months.  The Upham family contributed greatly 
to relief efforts, highly praised by townsfolk. 
 It has little to do with this story, but repeated in the local newspaper was an episode that makes reading local 
history worthwhile.  An elderly gentleman died in a nearby town.  His family hitched up an ox cart to travel to 
Marshfield to obtain a casket from the Upham furniture factory.  At the approach to the town, they could see the 
flames and smoke.  Almost everything in sight was ablaze.  An employee was hailed by the family, and he pushed a 
25¢ scrip from Marshfield, Wisconsin proved to be a hot topic
in the 1894 Wisconsin Gubernatorial election.  In 1879 the
business was C.M. Upham and Brother. (Stack’s Bowers
Galleries)
William Henry Upham, 
entrepreneur, soldier, 
politician.  He was 
elected Governor during 
troubled economic times. 
Upham Manufacturing Company started with wood 
products and became a conglomerate. 
William Upham built a mansion in 
1880, now used by the local historical 
society in Marshfield, Wisconsin.  It 
survived the Great Fire of 1887. 
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casket out of an upper story window.  It fell, breaking on one corner, but the relatives were glad to get it.  The loaded 
ox cart left Marshfield for the four-hour journey home. 
 The Upham Manufacturing Company Store was one 
structure that burned.  It took up temporary quarters in the 
street.  A large brick building was built next door.  This 
building still stands, considerably modernized on a main corner 
downtown.   The Upham store was “the largest general retail 
store in the West” during Upham’s Governorship.   In 1894, 
the Uphams apparently did not own the local newspaper, but 
their store was described as follows: “anything that goes to 
furnish a home or anything worn by man, woman or child can 
be found in stock. The establishment is divided in into a 
number of departments, such as dress goods, silks, fancy 
goods, notions, cloaks, suits, clothing, boots and shoes, 
groceries, hats and caps, gents furnishing goods, carpets and rugs, curtains, 
draperies, and many others. Each of these departments is in charge of a 
capable clerk, and all under the supervision of the manager, so that the vast 
business mechanism of the store moves like clockwork. The establishment 
is provided with every modern convenience for transacting business such as 
cash carrier systems” [Assumed to be spring-powered trolleys, shot on wires 
to a central cashier station].  One might guess that the editor could not afford 
to offend the leading family. 
        It is not surprising to know that William Upham was also President of 
a private bank which took Federal charter #4573 in 1891 to become the FNB 
of Marshfield.  He resigned from bank office when he became Governor.  
Alas, neither Heritage nor Stack’s Bowers archives has an image of a note 
with Upham’s signature. 
During his campaign for Wisconsin Governor in 1894, William H. 
Upham was severely criticized by the opposition for his “coupons”.  Factions in Marshfield and surrounding 
communities complained that the family companies often paid in scrip or coupon books.  The Major’s coupons were 
disparaged, perhaps not easily converted to cash, and the company store 
was alleged to charge above-market prices.   A few workers came out 
publicly, and they said that many more were cheated of cash wages. 
 This was apparently an instance where Upham was singled out from 
among a large number of employers.  In fact, many companies in 
Wisconsin were paying in scrip and coupon books.  Considering the 
economy of the area and of the times, the system was probably 
reasonably fair and ethical at most firms. 
 Upham scrip examples found on auction websites are dated 1879 
and 1886.  No coupon books are found on the web or in searchable 
Wisconsin history museums. Denominations found were 5¢, 10¢, 25¢, 
and $1.  The 
fractional notes 
are printed on 
the reverse in 
color with a 
sunburst.  A 
central circle 
specifies, 
“wholesale & 
retail dealers, 
dry goods, 
clothing, gent’s furnishing goods, hats & caps, boots & shoes, groceries, 
The Upham company store burned, along with the rest of 
the town of Marshfield in 1887 
A temporary store was erected in the street 
(center) while the brick replacement was 
built (on the left). 
5¢ Upham scrip of 1886.  Scrip and coupon books were still 
used after the disastrous fire. (Heritage Auction Galleries)
Major Upham’s Coupon March rallied the 
delegates at the Wisconsin Republican 
Convention in 1894.  The composer dedicated it 
to the People of Wisconsin and to William 
Upham. 
 
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provisions, hardware, cutlery, mechanics tools, etc. Upham 
Manufacturing Co.  One Price Only”.  The scrip issues 
continued after the fire to become an election issue.  
The hot topic was taken to extremes; alarmists 
suggested that large employers would all begin to practice 
unethical treatment of workers.   This local company affair 
became linked to other aspects of public policy.   Legislation 
was proposed to make scrip illegal.  It became so raucous that 
a backlash carried the Republican Upham over the top, 
beating the Democrat incumbent and Populist and Prohibition 
candidates. Upham was followed by nine more Republican 
Governors.  The coupon issue rallied both sides after Upham Manufacturing employees signed supportive ads.  A 
“coupon march” fired up the delegates at the state Republican convention.  Not surprising, Upham carried his own 
county by a large margin. 
 A broadside signed by over 300 employees attested to the benign management of Upham, always ready to 
help his workers in bad times.  They stated they were never forced to deal with the company store, and they did not 
observe prices to be any different from other town merchants.  They had no trouble getting cash from the company, 
either.  There is no evidence that other area merchants refused the scrip.  The Uphams evidently made good on their 
obligations.  Examples of the scrip are scarce.  Most of the pieces sold in the last two decades were part of the Chet 
Krause collection. 
 Older brother Charles (1837-1913) had settled in 
Shawano, Wisconsin.  His prosperous store issued scrip 
dated 1878.  Obviously similar to the Marshfield pieces, a 
10¢ note is found on the web.  Charles also shared in 
William’s business interests in Marshfield.  
 Shortages in the money supply in northern 
Wisconsin required scrip issues to fill the need for circulating 
currency.  By the time of the Wisconsin election of 1894, the 
Panic of 1893 and the rise of the Populist Party were ongoing.  
Specie was disappearing and mistrust of paper money was 
rampant.  Undoubtedly, emergency money could 
inconvenience a lot of workers; however, other companies’ 
scrip was not targeted in political debate like Major Upham’s 
coupons. 
 
References: 
Commemorative Biographical Record of Upper Wisconsin.  Beers, 1895. 
www.marshfieldgenealogy.com for several Upham articles. 
www.uphammansion.com, North Wood County Historical Society. 
www.wigenweb.org, articles on Charles Upham. 
www.wisconsinhistory.org, articles on William Upham. 
Upham furniture at various antique appraisal sites. 
Heritage Auctions, Stack’s Bowers Auctions archives, and Collector.com. 
 
 
Colorful reverses were used, listing the store’s stock-in-trade.
 (Heritage Auction Galleries) 
10¢ Upham scrip promised goods “at regular prices”. 
(Heritage Auction Galleries) 
One Dollar Upham scrip, a scarce item, suggesting that  
Upham successfully retired his notes. (Collector.com) 
Brother Charles’ store in Shawano also issued scrip, this 
10¢ date 1878.  (Stack’s Bowers Galleries) 
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Sears, Roebuck & Co.’s 
Customer Profit Sharing Certificates, 1904-1907 
 by Loren Gatch 
 
It is perhaps both trite and a bit inaccurate to describe the online retailer Amazon as the Sears, Roebuck & Co. of 
the 21st century. Particularly during its early years of explosive growth as America’s pre-eminent mail order operation, 
Sears did more than just sell a wide variety of goods at cheap prices. Emerging at a juncture in American history when 
the country transitioned from an agricultural society to one organized around an urban, industrial economy of increasing 
consumer abundance, Sears and its iconic mail order catalog defined that experience of transition, and the promise of 
abundance, for its millions of rural customers. 
The company was hardly the first mail-order business to flourish in American commerce. By the time Richard Sears 
and Alvah Roebuck put out their first general merchandise catalog in 1893, their rival Montgomery Ward had been 
flourishing for over twenty years. Nonetheless, Sears, Roebuck & Co. thrived by leapfrogging over and overwhelming 
the existing retail system of country stores. Thanks to a confluence of events and polices—the filling out of the nation’s 
telegraph and rail networks; the advent of Rural Free Delivery (1896); preferential mailing rates for advertising materials 
like catalogs; and Parcel Post service (1913)—mail-order enterprises like Sears transformed the American retail 
landscape. 
At the center of the company’s early success was the vision and impetuous temperament of its co-founder, Richard 
Warren Sears (1863-1914). A restless individual always open to new promotional schemes, Richard Sears was an 
evangelist for mail-order sales focusing on the rural market that he had grown up in and knew so well. Much like Sam 
Walton a half a century later, Sears stressed low prices, low profit margins, and quick inventory turnover juiced by 
massive advertising campaigns that sought, above all, to place the company’s increasingly-fat catalog in as many hands 
as possible. 
 Indeed, it was his distinctive advertising tone and style that represented Sears’s 
signature contribution to the company. According to one history of the company’s early 
years, Richard Sears’s promotional pitches “were the horror of advertising men … he 
crammed every inch with tightly packed agate type, and he mortised his illustrations to 
conserve every drop of space …” Nonetheless, as demanding as it was to look at and read, 
Sears’s copy worked. “While professional advertising men would now stand aghast at the 
jolting, uncouth nature of Sears’s ads, Sears himself basked in the reflection of the golden 
harvest of orders he was reaping.”  
This article examines one small part of the early history of Sears, Roebuck & Co.’s 
marketing efforts: its customer profit sharing plan, which rewarded customer loyalty with 
certificates that could be spent for premiums offered by the company. Introduced in the 1904 
catalog but abandoned by 1907, the plan was promoted by the same breathless and obsessive 
advertising that was Richard Sears’s trademark. 
 
Richard W. Sears, posing at 
his desk with catalog. 
(Source: Library of Congress 
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How the Sears Customer Profit Sharing Plan Worked 
The Sears customer profit-sharing plan must be distinguished from its employee profit-sharing plan, which was an 
entirely separate thing that began at a much later date. What Sears termed its customer profit-sharing actually assumed 
two forms. The first, undertaken between 1900 and 1901, was a simple proposition to pay customers 7% on any funds 
they chose to deposit with the company, from a minimum of $5 to a maximum of $1000. Customers could thus keep 
these interest-earning balances “guaranteed” with the company, subject to withdrawal by mailed notice or (as the 
company hoped) until they were applied to purchases from the Sears catalog. 
In a little pamphlet entitled “Customers Profit Sharing 7%”, the company spelled 
out the terms of this plan, which among other things limited the number of accounts 
to one per family and, reflecting the rural market it targeted, simply excluded any 
resident of Chicago from participating (as well as Sears’s employees themselves). 
With language that no actual bank could legally use, the company promised that 
“everything we own, hold or control is a guarantee to you that the money you send to 
us will be returned, all of it, whenever you ask for it…you are secured in the amount 
you may send, far more securely than you could possibly be secured in any real estate 
mortgage, bond, or bank certificate…”  
Thus setting itself up as a banking institution, the Sears plan predictably aroused 
the ire of real banks that resented the competition. Bankers in Kansas complained to 
their state commissioner that “a vast amount of idle money in Kansas is being sent to 
the Chicago mail order house” and pleaded with authorities to put a stop to it. 
Apparently opposition from bankers was sufficient to shut this first plan down, and 
mention of it quickly disappeared from the catalog. 
The second customer profit sharing plan, operating between 1904 and 1907, took 
the more conventional form of certificates issued that were redeemable against a 
premium list which Sears published both as a sixteen-page appendix to the main 
catalog and as a separate pamphlet. Inaugurated with Catalogue No. 114 of 1904, the 
plan began with a minimum amount of $100, meaning a customer had to have spent at least that amount in U.S. funds 
with the company in order to accumulate the equivalent in certificates that could be spent for items on the premium list, 
the cheapest of which were priced at $100 and upwards (in premium certificates). 
Richard Sears was not at all reticent about promoting the premium plan, and weekly magazines across the country 
were flooded with his typically densely-packed advertisements, relentlessly touting the benefits of profit sharing and the 
availability of “free” premiums (small town newspapers tended to avoid Sears copy, out of deference to local merchants’ 
hostility towards the mail order giant). Customers were also encouraged to pool the orders of their neighbors in order to 
acquire more quickly the minimum certificate amount.  
On page after page, the Sears catalog itself pounded home the benefits awaiting holders of profit-sharing certificates. 
In chatty “KIND FRIEND” letters that went out to directly to the company’s vast customer base under his facsimile 
signature, Richard Sears extolled the certificates’ virtues as if they were instruments of some perpetual motion machine 
of savings, as greater sales volumes made possible greater discounts, which in turn increased sales. Pleading repeatedly 
with customers to order their copies of the new Fall and Winter catalog, the company insisted in one circular from early 
August 1904 that new premium plan “does not add one cent to the price at which we sell goods; on the contrary…this 
profit-sharing plan makes for still lower prices, prices very much lower than any other house can ever attempt to meet.” 
For its part, Montgomery Ward countered by introducing its own Customer Dividend Certificate plan, though with less 
of a splash than its rival. 
Sears, Roebuck & Co.’s customer profit sharing was unusual in one respect. Instead of pricing its premiums in 
terms of fractions or multiples of “coupons”, as was commonly done by other premium plans, Sears stuck with nominal 
dollar amounts. Certificates were issued, dollar for dollar, in the amount of the customers’ purchases. This meant that 
certificates typically bore irregular denominations that were written on the certificates as if they were company checks, 
but redeemable only against the Sears premium list (some certificates did come in pre-printed, round-number 
denominations). In addition, each certificate issued bore an invoice number that corresponded to the original purchase, 
as well as a line where the customer’s name was to be entered, thus assuring that certificates weren’t transferable between 
Sears, Roebuck & Co.’s 
banking plan. 
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121
people (some versions came instead with a pre-printed instruction that assigned the certificate to “The Customer Whose 
Name is Recorded Under the Above Number”). 
 What this professed generosity actually meant in terms of customer value was difficult to pin down. Obviously, the 
purchasing power of the dollar-denominated certificates had to be vastly lower than the customer’s initial retail outlay 
lest the premium program bankrupt the company. Prices of the premium items were make-believe amounts that bore no 
resemblance to what a customer would have paid in actual funds. For example, in one typical advertisement, appearing 
in the January 1906 issue of The Farmer’s Wife, the Sears premium list offered a twelve-gauge, breech-loading shotgun 
(no make or model given, but single-barrel pictured) for “free” in exchange for $50 in profit sharing certificates. For an 
approximate comparison, in the Sears Catalogue No. 116 of 1906, the cheapest shotgun of that description retailed for 
$2.96. Likewise, a “handsome, overstuffed, big, massive” Morris chair listed in that same advertisement for $50 in profit 
sharing certificates could be had, according to the catalog, for as little as $3.45. Both examples implied an actual premium 
value of between 6 and 7 percent of Sears’ retail prices—generous, but not at all out of line with the 8 percent retail 
value which United Cigar Stores claimed to be offering its coupon-clutching customers through its own premium 
program. 
Customer Profit Sharing: Too Much of a Good Thing 
Sears, Roebuck & Co.’s sales volume soared during those years. Its customer profit-sharing plan was surely a factor 
in that growth. First in 1906 and then in 1907, Richard Sears claimed with great advertising fanfare to have “doubled” 
the value of the premium certificates by lowering the minimum required for the cheapest item first to $50 and later to 
$25. Again, these amounts represented certificate prices, not actual dollar prices, and the true premium cost to the 
company depended upon which items it chose to make available for redemption. To counterbalance these generous 
moves, the redemption terms of the certificates were tightened somewhat: those from 1904 bore no redemption deadline, 
while those issued in 1906 stipulated that were good for two years, and those from 1907 for one year. Yet the growing 
cost and scope of the plan became a concern within the company. In the two years from 1905 to 1907, profit sharing 
expenses ballooned from 10 percent of the advertising budget (inclusive of catalog issuing) to over 40 per cent. Customer 
correspondence related to profit-sharing swamped the company’s communications, interfering with its regular business. 
The growing liability posed by unredeemed certificates quickly cast a shadow over the company’s profitability, a 
problem made worse by the sheer fact that the company hadn’t kept track of how large that financial obligation was. As 
Sears planned for a public stock offering in 1906, a report compiled that June for Lehman Brothers and Goldman Sachs, 
the two underwriters of the issue, underscored the potential hit to the company’s bottom line. Based on prevailing 
redemption rates, Sears managers guessed that only 43 percent of the certificates would ever be cashed in, at a cost to 
the company of some 3 ½ percent of the sales corresponding to those certificates. Surely this was an underestimate; at 
about the same time, United Cigar Stores claimed redemption rates of its own premium coupons in excess of 80 percent.  
Of greater concern to the New York money men, Sears hadn’t bothered to provide a fund to meet the redemption 
costs of its certificates. If proper provision were made for every certificate issued, downward adjustments would have to 
be made for 1904 and 1905 profits and that, through 1906, the report estimated that nearly half a million dollars’ worth 
of that year’s profit alone would be eaten up by the premium plan. For a company about to go public, this was an 
unsustainable trend, and Sears summarily terminated its customer profit-sharing plan in August 1907.  
The Profit-Sharing Certificates 
In general appearance, the profit-sharing certificates are impressive documents, although like the Sears catalogs and 
other advertisements of the time, they are characteristically dense with text. During the three years in which the profit-
sharing plan operated, the certificates exhibited only minor variations in color scheme and explanatory language that 
seem to have reflected mostly changes in the terms and conditions of the plan. 
A Sears Profit Sharing Certificate issued to Mrs. Nancy L. Davis 
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Certificates measure 3 ¼ by 8 inches, or about the size of a typical check from a major bank of that period. The 
front has a thin, ornamental border, either in brown or green ink, with the monogram “SR” at the four corners. Within 
the field at the top center of the certificate sits the company banner, in the same color ink as the border. On one side of 
the banner is the field where the denomination could be written in, or printed; on the other side appears a shield medallion 
identifying the “series” (the maximum denomination possible). Depending on the variety, these two features appear 
either to the left or to the right of the banner. While all notes feature a serial number, only the later notes (from 1906-7) 
include spaces where there could be written in the date of issue and the invoice number of the customer’s original 
purchase to which the profit-sharing certificate corresponded. 
Just underneath the Sears Roebuck banner, still at the upper center of the certificate, is a blank line on which the 
customer’s name could be entered. This was a crucial feature of the document, since the profit-sharing benefit wasn’t 
meant to be used by anybody but the original purchaser. Thus, the name of the purchaser (or at least the invoice number 
of the original order) had to be on the certificate in order for the company to be able to prevent it from being transferred. 
Otherwise, most of the face of the certificate’s front is taken up with an ornate, verbose and somewhat legalistic 
description of the terms and conditions of the certificate’s use, all superimposed upon the underprint “Sears, Roebuck 
and Co.” in large, block letters (in either green or yellow ink). The details of this text varies, depending upon whether or 
not that particular certificate specifies an expiration date. At the bottom right appears a facsimile of Richard Sears’s 
signature. 
The reverse of the note consists of nothing but text which, in a more conversational style and considerable 
redundancy, explains the attractiveness of profit-sharing to the certificate holder. Here, the language varies according to 
what minimum amount ($100, $50, or $25) in certificate value the holder had to possess before being able to redeem 
them for premiums. 
Conclusion 
Even with the formal end to its customer profit-sharing plan in 1907, Sears, Roebuck & Co. continued to redeem 
the certificates that remained outstanding against its premium list and, as those stocks of premium articles dwindled, 
offered to accept them against future purchases. For example, in a letter dated July 1, 1908, in response to an enquiry by 
a Mr. H. E. Malcohn of Windsor, Maine, the company explained that, while Mr. Malcohn’s certificates had no cash 
redemption value, they could be applied to 5 percent of the cost of any catalog order he might make, as long as he paid 
the balance in cash. While a less attractive proposition, superficially, than the earlier language trumpeting the availability 
of “free” premium goods, this way of describing the benefits of Sears’s profit-sharing plan probably captured more 
accurately the true cost to the company of its premium program. Whatever overhang existed In terms of unredeemed 
profit-sharing certificates was worked off by the company in the form of a straight 5% discount to customer purchases. 
Given the competitive advantages that his company already enjoyed with rural customers eager for alternatives to 
the country store, Richard Sears’s short-lived embrace of profit-sharing was characteristically excessive. As the same 
history of the company put it, “Richard Sears was born, he lived, he died, in an age of schemes.” Always ready to try 
new advertising venues and promotional gimmicks, Sears nonetheless had the good sense to abandon them if they didn’t 
produce the desired sales results.  
Declining health soon led to Sears’s retirement from the company and early death by 1914. Leadership of the 
company was then assumed by his more disciplined and methodical partner at the time, Julius Rosenwald, who steered 
the company until its successful transition to a brick-and-mortar presence by 1925. Nonetheless, Richard Sears’s energy 
and vision represented formative influences on what became a major institution of 20th century American retailing. 
 
REFERENCES 
Emmet, Boris and John E. Jeuck, Catalogs and Counters: A History of Sears, Roebuck and Company (The University of Chicago Press 1950), pp. 
39 (quote), 64 (quote); 76-79. 
Sears, Roebuck & Co., “Customers Profit Sharing 7%”, undated pamphlet, author’s collection. 
Sears, Roebuck & Co., “KIND FRIEND” Circular, August 6, 1904, author’s collection. 
Sears, Roebuck & Co., Letter to H. E. Malcoln, July 1, 1908, author’s collection. 
Sears, Roebuck & Co., The Great Price Maker. Catalogue No. 116 (Chicago 1906 [Castle Books reprint]), pp. 145, 710. 
The Altoona Mirror [Altoona, Kansas], June 14, 1904. 
The Farmer’s Wife [Chicago], January 1, 1906. 
Wren, Donald A. and Ronald G. Greenwood, “Business Leaders: An Historical Sketch of Richard W. Sears” The Journal of Leadership Studies 5 
(1998), pp. 40-49. 
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Circulation of the State Bank of Iowa 
by James C. Ehrhardt 
 
The State Bank of Iowa was a very successful system, both in terms of returning profits to its shareholders and, 
more importantly, supplying an urgently needed, sound currency for Iowans. A number of publications ranging from 
academic and historical studies to personal memoirs and numismatic overviews have documented many aspects of the 
bank’s operation. However, few specific details of the issuance, redemption, and survival of its circulation are available. 
This article will attempt to fill that gap with the aid of a previously unexamined set of bank ledgers and a census of 
existing notes. 
A brief review of the historical events leading to the creation of the State Bank of Iowa will help understand the 
situation. When it became a territory in 1838, Iowa’s mostly rural citizens embraced the Jacksonian anti-bank philosophy; 
and its territorial constitution explicitly banned the charter of banks issuing currency. When statehood was granted in 
1846, its constitution also banned banks of issue. However, settlers were pouring in and commerce was rapidly increasing. 
Growth was hampered by a scarcity of specie and a forced reliance on dubious currencies from nearby free-banking 
states. Eventually a second constitutional convention was called, primarily to remedy this problem. 
Approved on Sept. 3, 1857, the new constitution created a detailed plan for a state banking system modeled on the 
successful State Banks of Ohio and Indiana. It authorized the state legislature to enact a law authorizing such a system 
and then required a general election to approve it. The law was passed, and the voters approved it by a 92% majority. 
Iowans really wanted a sound currency! Can you imagine any issue today receiving a 92% approval? The law took effect 
July 29, 1858, eleven months after the new constitution.  
The new system included an administrative and 
oversight body known as the State Bank of Iowa 
which did no banking and a number of branch banks 
which were separate corporations operating under 
the governance of the State Bank.  
The system had a variety of requirements to 
foster confidence by the public. These included 
mandatory redemption of currency with specie, 
currency issuance for each branch limited to no more 
than twice their first $100,000 paid-in capital with 
declining limits thereafter, maintenance of adequate 
specie, all branches being responsible if one branch 
failed, loans and discounts limited to durations of no 
more than four months. 
Restrictions were established to limit the 
issuance of small denomination notes. The dollar 
amount of small notes compared to the total amount 
issued was limited as: $1 notes ≤ 10% of the total, 
$2 notes ≤ 10% of total, $1+$2+$3 notes ≤  25% of total, 
and all notes below $10 to be no more than 50% of the total. 
As we shall see below, these limits played an important role 
in the amounts of each denomination issued. 
Initial Activities 
A state-appointed Board of Commissioners had two 
primary tasks before the system could begin banking: 
approval of applications to become branch banks and 
securing an appropriate currency. Over time 30 different 
applications for branch bank status were received, and 15 were approved. In October 1858 approvals were granted for 
eight branches. These were in Des Moines, Dubuque, Iowa City, Keokuk, Mount Pleasant, Muscatine, Oskaloosa, and 
the Merchants Branch in Davenport. In 1859 branches were approved for Burlington, Fort Madison, Lyons City, and 
Washington. In February 1860 McGregor was approved followed by Council Bluffs on Nov. 14, 1860. Finally, the 
Farmers Branch of Maquoketa was approved on Feb. 10, 1864. Except for Maquoketa, these towns were the fourteen 
most populous towns in the 1860 Iowa census, with populations ranging from 13,000 in Dubuque to 1,989 in McGregor.  
McGregor provides a useful example of the process. After its first application was rejected primarily because a 
majority of its stock was to be held by residents of Dubuque, a more local share drive was organized. This was more 
 
Figure 1: Stock certificate of the Fort Madison branch. 
Courtesy of Keokuk Public Library 
Figure 2: Check, Merchants Branch, Davenport.  
Courtesy of Keokuk Public Library
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successful with 68 people and businesses signing up including 32 who invested in only one or two shares out of the 500 
share initial offering.  
After the first eight branches 
were approved, a new Board of 
Directors took control of the 
system. Board members Hiram 
Price and Hoyt Sherman were 
delegated to consult with the 
American Bank Note Company 
(ABNC) in New York to obtain the 
new currency. After the first 
proposed designs were rejected by 
the board as “old, well-used stock,” 
new designs featuring vignettes 
and portraits more characteristic of 
Iowa were approved. The designs 
featured rural scenes, portraits of 
prominent Iowans, and the iconic 
map of Iowa on the $10 note. Notes 
were to be printed from two plates 
of four notes each, the first 
formatted as $1A - $1B - $2A - $5A 
and the other as $3A - $10A - $10B 
$10C. 
The unusual plate format must 
have been long planned in 
conjunction with the legislative 
restrictions on low denomination 
notes. Consider that three of $1-1-2-5 sheets plus one $3-10-10-10 sheet would total $60 dollars. Included would be $6 
of ones and $6 of twos each comprising the 10% legal limit. Similar calculations for the other combinations mentioned 
above show that they also exactly meet the legal limits. The State Bank almost always issued currency to branch banks 
in this three-to-one ratio of $1-1-2-5 to $3-10-10-10 sheets. 
Before new sheets were issued to a branch bank, Elihu Baker, Registrar and Secretary to the Board, had to sign 
them and write a State Bank serial number on the right side of each note. Branch bank officers were responsible for 
adding their signatures, location, date, and branch bank serial number on the left of each note. 
One of the lesser duties of the Board was to procure an official seal. They selected the 
eagle from the Iowa territorial seal surrounded by the words “SEAL OF THE STATE BANK 
OF IOWA.” This was the same eagle that was used on the backs of Iowa national bank notes 
up until the 1890s. The eagle was also seen on checks from the Iowa City Branch and the 
Keokuk Branch bank as illustrated in Oakes (1982). The State Historical Society of Iowa 
adopted it as its logo for 150 years. 
Type 2 Notes 
Less than a year after the first notes were released, the bankers realized their designs were 
unsatisfactory. There was no mechanism for replacing worn notes with new ones, so they kept circulating and 
accumulating more wear. As a result, the hand-written information on the notes became increasingly illegible. A branch 
accepted notes from all the branches, but eventually these had to be returned to the originating branch to balance the 
books. An illegible note made that impossible. At the November 1859 Board meeting, they discussed it, but decided it 
was “inexpedient” to procure new plates. Six months later the problem was worse, and a subcommittee was appointed 
to procure new plates. In the Aug. 15, 1860, Board meeting specimens of the new notes were approved; and the Dubuque 
branch was authorized to receive notes from the new plates. The new design featured printed serial numbers and location 
of the branch with the denomination and location fine-line printed many times across the note. Both serial numbers were 
to restart with the number 1 for each branch (yielding two identical serial numbers), and various branches’ notes had 
different colors. The plate position letters were incremented to give $1C-$1D-$2B-$5B and $3B-$10D-$10E-$10F (see 
next page). 
Figure 3: Type 1 uncut sheets (State Historical Society of Iowa) 
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Currency Issuance 
In 1895 the State Historical Society of Iowa received a valuable donation of the complete set of double-entry 
accounting bank ledgers from the Iowa City Branch and its successor, the Iowa City National Bank, including the 
circulation book for branch bank and the minutes of Board of Commissioners and Directors. The 50 volumes of these 
ledgers were the primary source for the data below on issuance and redemption of currency. Unfortunately, the State 
Bank’s ledgers and circulation book have not been found. The Iowa City Branch was middle-sized compared to other 
branches and thus can serve as a useful prototype as an average branch. While this manuscript was nearing completion, 
an original Journal ledger and share books from the McGregor branch were discovered in the attic of a successor bank. 
Important information from this source has been added to the article. Additional sources include Iowa City newspapers 
which published regular consolidated financial statements for each branch. 
The currency was immediately welcomed by everyone. One newspaper reported “The 
only objection we have heard to the Iowa State Bank is that their bills are too good to be of 
common use.” In 1862, state bank notes were held to be on a par with the new federal 
currency. The round cardboard scrip in Figure 5 was payable “In Iowa or Treasury Notes.” 
It was issued by Thompson, Whitman & Co. of Clayton, IA, (about 12 miles south of 
McGregor) a mercantile firm which purchased 35 shares of the McGregor branch. 
The schedule of currency purchases authorized by the Board is given in Table 1. 
Purchases totaled about $1,600,000. It is seen that the purchases were in a three to one ratio 
of low- to $3-10-10-10 sheets. Additional purchases of Type 2 notes were made later, but 
they were billed directly to the branch banks and evidently did not come before the Board 
for approval. The Board minutes indicate that the February 1860 purchase of $1-1-2-5 sheets 
would exhaust the printing plate which had produced about 49,000 sheets. It 
would be interesting to compare the quality of notes printed early in the plate 
life to high serial number (≥40,000) notes printed at the end of the plate life. 
The currency received by the Iowa City Branch from the State Bank is 
listed in Table 2. In total, they received 5,116 $1-1-2-5 sheets ($46,044) and 
1,708 of $3-10-10-10 ($56,364), not including the replacement sheets 
received in 1861. Type 1 notes out-numbered Type 2 notes by 84%. Iowa 
City and the other branches received their notes in blocks of $6,000 
consisting of 300 low- and 100 high-denomination sheets, thus maintaining 
the statutory limit on smaller notes. Also demonstrated by the table is that 
banks could not receive more blocks of currency until their capital had been 
raised sufficiently. 
Fig. 4: Type 2 uncut sheets      
(State Historical Society of Iowa) 
Table 1: Authorizations for currency purchases
Date
Amount 
authorized 
# of low $
sheets
# of hi $
sheets
12/1858 $505,500 25,275 8,425
5/11/1859 $94,500 4,725 1,575
11/17/1859 $200,00 10,000 ≈3,334
2/16/1860 ≈$130,000 ≈8,890‡ ≈1,515
8/14/1861 $669,900 
Type 2 
33,000
Type 1 
11,300
 ‡exhausted plate
Figure 5: Cardboard Scrip, 
circa 1862, (catalog Oakes 23)
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Iowa City did not receive any Type 2 notes until August 1861, a year after Dubuque received theirs. Collectors may 
note that the date on a note does not necessarily correspond to its date of issue. Also, any Iowa City $1-1-2-5 note dated 
Sept. 1, 1860, is from the exhausted plate and would be interesting to study. 
Table 2: Currency received by Iowa City branch from the State Bank
Date Paid-in 
capital 
Currency 
received 
$1-1-2-5 
branch s/n
$1-1-2-5 
State Bank s/n
$3-10-10-10
branch s/n
$3-10-10-10 
State Bank s/n 
Date on 
notes 
12/30/58 $25,000 $12,000 1-600 4201-4800 1-200 1401-1600 1/1/1859
1/11/59 〃 $6,000 601-900 5101-5400 201-300 1701-1800 〃
1/28/59 〃 $6,000 901-1200 6601-6900 301-400 2201-2300 〃
3/2/59 〃 $6,000 1201-1500 10501-10800 401-500 3501-3600 〃
10/1/59 $26,300 $6,000 1501-1800 27301-27600 501-600 9101-9200 10/1/1859
11/10/59 〃 $6,000 1801-2100 29701-30000 601-700 10201-10300 〃
12/10/59 〃 $6,000 2101-2400 36001-36300 701-800 12301-12400 〃
6/4/60* $27,660 $6,000 2401-2700 ** 801-900 ** 〃
9/10/60 $6,000 2701-3000 47693-47992 901-1000 16303-16402 9/1/60 
9/20/60 $4,200 3000-3210 48593-48802 1001-1070 16603-16672 〃
10/12/60 $33,105 $2,208 3211-3316 48803-48908 1071-1108 16673-16710 〃
1/1/61 $34,106 $27 3314-3316‡ 50954-50956 〃
8/7/61 $48,360 $24,000 1-1200 Type 2 1-400 Type 2 7/1/61 
7/23/62 $48,480 $4,107 1201-1407‡‡ Type 2 401-468‡‡ Type 2 7/1/62 
10/25/63 $60,000 $7,893 1408-1800 Type 2 469-600 Type 2 10/1/63
*=estimated, **= data missing, ‡=replacements for defective sheets, ‡‡replacements for burned notes
The growth and decline of currency in circulation from all the 
branches is shown in the accompanying graph along with the total 
paid-in capital from all the banks. The total circulation peaked at 
$1,532,739 in April 1864. and declined thereafter as the banks 
prepared for the transition to the national banking system. It can be 
seen that the circulation was always less than the legal limit of twice 
the capital. The drop in circulation in early 1861 was due to concerns 
about the South’s secession and the start of the Civil War. The 
decrease in early 1862 was related to the financial turmoil following 
the suspension of specie payments by the federal government and 
New England banks. 
The Merchants Branch in Davenport had an unusual history. 
Davenport was the second largest town in the state and had a strong 
economy and well-established private bankers. However, for most of its life the branch’s circulation was lower than that 
of the other branches. All branches were required to keep on hand specie totaling at least 25% of their circulation. Except 
for one month at the start of the Civil War, Davenport’s specie always exceeded their circulation. In April 1861 their 
specie was four times their circulation, $44,000 to $10,000. But the bank maintained its profitability and paid dividends. 
When specie payments were suspended in early 1862, they started withdrawing their circulation. This trend was 
encouraged when the First National Bank of Davenport became the first national bank in the nation to open for business 
in mid-1863. By April 1865 their circulation was down to only $1,335. At that time McGregor had more $13,000 
outstanding, and the other branches had $20,000 to $200,000 out. It’s no surprise that Davenport and McGregor are two 
of the scarcest notes for today's collectors. 
Currency Redemption and Conversion to National Banks 
By the summer of 1863 the hand-writing was on the wall for the fate of the State Bank and its branches. Competing 
bankers in Davenport and Iowa City had organized national banks with more to follow. Over the next few years most of 
the Iowa branches would convert to national banks. The remaining one or two ended up as part of local national banks 
possibly by purchase or merger. All remaining State Bank notes in the vaults, used and unused, were to be mutilated and 
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burned. The last act of the Board of Directors was to burn $34,460 on Nov. 25, 1865. After that, each branch was an 
independent corporation that could manage its affairs as it saw fit. They or their successor banks all chose to continue 
redeeming their notes. 
The Iowa City Branch ledgers provide one example of the conversion. It maintained normal banking operations 
through Saturday, April 15, 1865. Bank ledgers showed a normal number of deposits that day. On Monday the bank 
reopened with the same officers in the same building renamed as the Iowa City National Bank (ICNB) which had been 
chartered ten days earlier. Except for outstanding circulation, about $320,000 of other bank accounts (mostly cash, 
certificates, and deposits) were zeroed and moved to new ICNB accounts. The accounts were in the same ledger books 
as the Iowa City Branch and in some cases on the same page. The ICNB continued to redeem its branch bank notes as 
they came across its counters, and the outstanding circulation continued to slowly decline. As an example of late 
redemptions trickling in, during 1871-72 Iowa City recorded separate redemptions of $12, $2, $10, $12, $2, $1, and $1. 
All the other successor national banks did similarly. So faith in State Bank notes was maintained even after all the 
branches had closed. In 1868, three years after the system shut down, New York banks were still listing Iowa notes at 
only a two percent discount. 
The State Bank stopped publishing regular consolidated financial statements after April 1865; so we have to look 
at other sources to get data on redemption and outstanding notes. The Iowa City branch data was entered into its ledgers 
and continued by the ICNB, but data for other branches was found in an unexpected source, the Comptroller of the 
Currency annual reports on the national banking system. Starting in 1866, the reports listed each national bank’s balance 
sheet including its state bank notes outstanding as a liability. The only Iowa banks that listed any outstanding notes 
initially were Council Bluffs, Dubuque, and Mt. Pleasant. Iowa City was not included until the 1868 report because its 
outstanding was not transferred to the ICNB’s account until late 1867. The other national banks listed no state bank notes 
outstanding, leaving unclear their status. 
Final termination: In April 1870 Iowa enacted a law repealing the 1858 act that created the state bank system. The 
law also required the banks to continue redeeming their notes for another two years. Finally on Jan. 17, 1873, the ICBN 
zeroed out the $585 of state bank notes still on its books and listed that amount as profit. And so the successful operation 
of the State Bank of Iowa passed into history. 
The final amounts outstanding reported by the Comptroller were $1,184 for Council Bluffs in 1868, $1,335 for Mt. 
Pleasant in 1871, $191 for Dubuque in 1871, and $585 for Iowa City in 1872. The Dubuque branch rather remarkably 
redeemed 99.93% of their peak circulation while the other three branches had an average redemption rate of 98.4%. To 
put these redemption rates in perspective, the average redemption rate for the first twelve Iowa national banks that issued 
only Original Series notes was 99.3% of the number received from the Treasury. So the redemption of State Bank notes 
was comparable to that from early national banks. 
The Iowa City branch recorded its burned notes by denomination for 95% of its issued notes. Five-dollar bills had 
the highest burn rate of 98.6% of the number of its issued notes, perhaps because of the counterfeit $5 problem discussed 
below. Three dollar and ten-dollar notes were close to that rate with a 98% burn rate, while ones and twos had the lowest 
redemption rate at 94% and 89%, respectively. If Iowa City’s data had been more complete, these burn rates would have 
been a little higher. 
Counterfeit and Raised notes 
Scam artists were quick to try to take advantage of people’s trust in State Bank notes. By February 1862 counterfeits 
of $5 Type 1 notes from the Oskaloosa Branch were found in multiple locations across Iowa. Eventually they were 
reported in locations as distant as Chicago, St; Louis, and Cincinnati. The notes were reasonably well made but with a 
glaring error. Three a’s in the American Bank Note Company imprint 
were reversed left to right. This flaw was widely advertised, and 
there are far more surviving notes of this variety than any other State 
Bank of Iowa type. 
Some of the Oskaloosa 
counterfeits are so well-worn that the reversed a’s may be hard to identify. If so, 
there are several other differences from genuine notes. These may be found by 
comparison with higher grade examples of the type that can be found in the online 
archives of several auction companies. Remember that Type 1 notes from all the 
branches were printed from the same plate and any can be used for comparison. 
Some of the other differences from genuine notes include a rougher and darker 
engraving of Antoine LeClaire, and too many dark horizontal lines in the 
decoration in the middle of the right edge. On severely worn or dirty notes, perhaps 
the most visible difference is the highlight in the hair on the left side of LeClaire’s 
Figure 6. Reversed a’s in Oskaloosa counterfeit. 
Figure 7. Antoine LeClaire on genuine 
(L.) and counterfeit (R.) notes 
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head. On the genuine pieces, the highlight slopes downward initially and then turns sharply to the rear above the ear. On 
counterfeits, the highlight continues downward towards 4:00 or 5:00 o’clock. 
Because the branch name and signatures were hand written on type 1 notes, the counterfeiters’ output was not 
limited to the Oskaloosa branch. In December 1862 a McGregor newspaper reprinted a story that a Merchants Branch 
of Davenport bill from the same plate as the Oskaloosa counterfeits had been identified. Nothing more is known about 
these Davenport counterfeits. 
Then a few weeks later, the Davenport sheriff announced the arrest of three counterfeiters, a Mr. & Mrs. David 
Preble and David Boyd (probably aliases for well-known engraver Pete McCartney and his brother-in-law David Boyd). 
Confiscated were plates, coin dies, “a quantity of excellent counterfeits on the Council Bluffs Branch of the State Bank 
of Iowa and some in which the name of the branch was not filled out,” and other currency. This was the first newspaper 
mention of the Council Bluffs $5 Type 1 notes which are also more common today than any legitimate issue. The notes 
were printed on the same plate as the Oskaloosa fakes, except that the engravers had corrected their error of the reversed 
a’s. All the other deficiencies of the Oskaloosa notes are present on the Council Bluffs notes. But the forgers made a 
different, even more obvious error. On all those identified today, the State Bank and Branch Bank serial numbers are 
identical! Possibly the forgers did not have access to a genuine Council Bluffs Type 1 note and used a Type 2 note instead 
to copy its signatures. All Type 2 notes have two identical serial numbers, which style the forgers may have unwittingly 
copied. 
GRAND HAUL OF COUNTERFEITERS: that was the headline in a lengthy Aug. 11, 1864, New York Times 
article describing Col. L. C. Baker’s arrest in St. Louis of a large gang of counterfeiters and seizure of large quantities 
of coin and paper counterfeits and materials. One of the items seized was a $5 plate on the State Bank of Iowa. 
Undoubtedly, this was the plate that created all the problem Oskaloosa and Council Bluffs notes. 
Raised Notes: Raised notes appeared in Iowa even before the counterfeits. A number of different examples exist 
today. Most common are Type 1 $1 notes raised to $5 or $10. The forgers had the most trouble dealing with the alphabetic 
ONE in the lower left counter. One easy solution was to simply tear off that corner as in Figure 8. If you see a piece with 
the lower left corner missing, immediately suspect a raised note. Haxby (1988) has an image of a Fort Madison Type 1 
$2 note raised to $10. Newspapers also reported the more unusual effort of $2 notes raised to $20. Surviving examples 
of these are not confirmed. 
Type 2 notes had more anti-counterfeiting features, including the location and denomination fine-printed repeatedly 
across the background. Forgers removed this feature by smearing out the background, as illustrated in Figure 9. 
Census 
Extensive efforts were made to gather as complete a census as possible. These efforts include contacting 
organizations ranging from the Smithsonian Institution to local libraries, museums, and historical societies, searching 
old catalogs and online archives of auction companies and the Newman Numismatic Portal, searching online and 
Figure 8: Type 1 $1 notes raised to $5 and $10 ($10 courtesy of J.D. Larson)
Figure 9: Type 2 $1 note raised to $5, background 
smeared out. Courtesy of Heritage Auctions
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microfilm historical newspapers, spending many hours reviewing State of Iowa archives in Des Moines and Iowa City, 
placing ads in appropriate journals, and personally contacting many collectors, dealers, and bankers. Of course no census 
can ever be complete, but the data below are by far the largest assemblage of these notes ever published. One challenge 
of the work was the difficulty of establishing the uniqueness of each listing. The low grade of many notes made reading 
the hand-written location, signers, date, and serial numbers difficult. It was not unusual that the location could only be 
identified by matching a few letters from a signature to the known signatures of the bankers. When listed, the serial 
numbers are a best estimate but may contain errors. Another cause of missing data is that some notes were only listed in 
old sources that did not include much data except perhaps the denomination or location. Every care was taken to avoid 
duplicating listings. With the cooperation of many individuals, scans or photocopies were obtained for over 90% of the 
listed notes, which provided positive evidence of each note’s uniqueness. When in doubt, a note was excluded from the 
census. 
Issued Notes: Seventy-two issued notes are recorded in the census and are listed individually in Table 3. Each note is 
listed by town and type similarly to the Burlington $1 273A, which represents a $1 bill with serial number 273 and 
plate position letter A. An asterisk indicates missing data for the note. Most notes are in a low grade. The grades for 
just a few notes in VF or better condition are given in the table, but grades for some notes were not able to be 
determined. 
Table 3: Census of issued notes by town and type 
Branch bank Type 1 Type 2 Type not 
given
Total  Com-
ment
Burlington $1 273A, $1 1397B, $1 *A, $1 *B;
$2 1449A; $5 3452A, $5 2540A 
EF, $5 *A
8 C1
Council Bluffs Possibly none issued $1 1223D, $1 2089D  2
Davenport $2 * 1 C2
Des Moines $5 1966A $1 59C, $1 714D, $1 2284C; $2 
998B, $5 54 B,$5 2333B
 7
Dubuque $3 *A; $10 1547A VF, $10 2967C $1 1D EF 40, $1 1261D,  
$1 2983D, $1 3586D,
$1 5503D, $1 6669C,
$2 3315B, $2 4862B,
$3 1902B, $5 4638B, $5 5781B
$1 2598 15 C3
Fort Madison $1 2682A, $1 4801B, $2 688A, $2 
5032 A, $2 *
$2 959B  6 C4
Iowa City $1 2582A, $5 1715A, $5 1749A, 
$10 3750A
$1 588  5
Keokuk $1 *B, $2 3041A, $2 4036A, $2 
4419A, $10 1695A VF20, $10 *, 
$10 1882C
7
Lyons City $1 46 B VF, $5 1546A CU $1 2501C, $3 156B  4
Maquoketa SENC
McGregor * 1 C5
Mount Pleasant $1 *; $5 3621A $5 611B $10 * 4 C6
Muscatine $1 3552C  1
Oskaloosa $1 1998A, $10 2012B, $10 2012C,
$10 2028A, $10 2054C
5
Washington $1 2363A, $1 2416A, $1 *B  3
Unknown $1 *B, $2 *A, $3 *A  3 C7
Total 43 25 4 72
Comments: SENC=surviving example not confirmed, C1 $5 * Knight 10/91 sale LR corner gone, C2= mentioned in Eric P. Newman 
correspondence, C3=#2598 in Newman correspondence,  $5 #5781B ex A. Grinnell collection in Numismatist 4/1960. C4= $2 Type 1 * dated 
8//31/1860 in Heritage CSNS auction, catalog 374, lot 15286. C5=not personally confirmed. C6=$1 * Only note back inspected, $10 * mentioned 
in Newman correspondence. C7=illegible hand-written data.
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The Dubuque $10 type 1 note #1547A is interesting. Its State Bank serial no., 26247, is by far the largest listed 
number for type 1 $3-10-10-10 sheets. Using the totals in Table 1, we see that it must have been one of the last sheets 
purchased and issued. The note is dated Jan. 1, 1864, later than any other note in the census, and a date when Dubuque 
reported a large increase in its circulation. 
The survival rates of the different branches corresponds closely with their circulation outstanding on March 5, 1865, 
the last date for which such data is available for all branches. The branches with the most surviving notes are Burlington, 
Des Moines, Dubuque, and Keokuk, which had outstanding circulations between $95,000 and $200.000. Davenport, 
Maquoketa, and McGregor are the scarcest branches, and they had outstanding of $1,335 $34,000, and $13,000, 
respectively. 
Table 4 summarizes the census of surviving notes by type and denomination. Unsurprisingly, type 1 notes 
outnumber type 2 notes by about 50%. Substantially more type 1 notes than type 2 were issued, although we can’t 
quantify the proportions. One-dollar notes are the most common, 
followed by nearly equal numbers of $2s, $5s, & $10s. Three-
dollar notes are the scarcest. Because the notes were distributed 
by the State Bank with three low denomination sheets for every 
high denomination sheet, the proportions of each denomination 
issued was 6-3-1-3-3 for $1s, $2s, $3s, $5s, & $10s, respectively. 
The relative proportions of the surviving notes in Table 4 agree 
with the issued ratios to within statistical sampling error. In other 
words, notes survived in proportion to the amount of each that 
was issued. Even the very scarce $3 notes are scarce, not because 
they were treated differently from other denominations, but simply because fewer of them were issued. 
We have seen that the average redemption for the branch banks was similar to that of the twelve Iowa national banks 
only issuing Original Series notes, despite a much longer time for redemption of the latter. However, the average survival 
rate for state bank notes was much higher than that for national bank notes, 4.5 notes per branch versus 0.7 per bank. 
Counterfeits and raised notes: Our census included counterfeits and raised notes, but these were not listed in Table 
3.They were difficult to classify because many of them were in extremely low grade. Serial numbers were often illegible
or only partly legible. Wear seen on scans or photocopies was used to identify unique notes. Counterfeits were seen only 
from the Oskaloosa and Council Bluffs branches. Oskaloosa fakes are the most common of all Iowa state bank notes 
with 33 listed. Thirteen forgeries represent Council Bluffs in the census. The 1999 Smythe Memphis auction included a 
$10 Type 1 note described as counterfeit that appeared to have no handwriting. Its low-quality photograph makes it 
difficult to determine its true nature. 
Fewer raised notes have survived. We have identified nine notes scattered among various combinations of $1 and 
$2 notes of types 1 and 2 raised to $5 and $10 purporting to be from seven different branches. Evidently the printed 
forgeries were made on a large scale while independent operators crafted smaller numbers of raised notes. 
Proofs, Specimens, and Sheets: Only four uncut sheets are known 
consisting of one each of proofs of $1-1-2-5 and $3-10-10-10 sheets of 
Type 1 and 2 as illustrated herein. These sheets are in the permanent 
collection of the State Historical Society of Iowa in Iowa City. The Type 
1 sheets are inscribed from the State Bank to the historical society on 
May 20,1859. 
Five individual specimen notes are known as illustrated in Oakes 
(1982). They are not canceled and are stamped “SPECIMEN.” 
Thirteen individual proofs are reported and are listed in Table 5. It 
is very possible that additional proofs will surface to fill in 
denominations missing from the table.  Be aware that modern proprietary proofs produced from the original plates may 
be in the marketplace. 
Tidbits 
1. A few notes including Keokuk type 1 $10 #1695A
are punch canceled although all redeemed as well as 
unissued notes were supposed to be mutilated and then 
burned. 
2. Elihu Baker, State Bank Secretary and Registrar,
became a national bank examiner after 1865. 
3. The only two notes in the Smithsonian Institution
are Oskaloosa counterfeits. 
Table 4: Totals of surviving notes by type and denomination 
$1 $2 $3 $5 $10 Unknown Total
Type 1 15 8 2 8 10 43
Type 2 14 4 2 5 0 25
Unk.Type 1 1 1 1 4
Total 30 13 4 13 11 1 72
Table 5: Proof notes
Branch Denomination Type
Unnamed $1 B, $3, $10C Type 1
Dubuque $1, $2, $3, $5, $10E, $10F Type 2
Keokuk $3, $5 Type 2
Muscatine $2, $3 Type 2
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4. The back of Des Moines type 1 $1 #2284C has an advertising stamp from F. Knauft of St.
Paul, Minnesota. 
5. The first stockholder of the Iowa City branch was Samuel J. Kirkwood, future Civil War
Governor of Iowa, who bought 79 shares. 
6. The financial statements of several banks imply that their specie included three-cent silver
pieces. 
Summary 
With the help of original bank ledgers, I show how the issuance and survival of State Bank of Iowa notes was 
determined by restrictions on low denomination notes which required three $1-1-2-5 sheets for every $3-10-10-10 sheet. 
The ledgers also provide an example of how the transition from state bank to national bank was handled. For the first 
time, the census gives numerical data on the scarcity of notes from each branch. 
This work was partially supported by the Eric P. Newman Numismatic Education Society. I gratefully acknowledge 
the assistance of Larry Adams, Mary Bennett, Tom Gardner, Scott Hansen, Rick Hickman, Alan Johnson, J.D. Larson, 
Don Mark, Dean Oakes, Mike Scacci, Charles Scott, and many others. 
A partial list of sources 
1. Preston, Howard H., “Chapter 6” in History of Banking in Iowa, State Historical Society of Iowa, 1922
2. Oakes, Dean G., Iowa Obsolete Notes And Scrip, Society of Paper Money Collectors, 1st ed. 1982 (more text), revised ed. 2015 (color
images, updated rarities)
3. Bank Records 1857-1906, Special Collections, State Historical Society of Iowa, Iowa City, Box R16 (6 boxes, 54 volumes)
4. FRASER economic history database, St. Louis Federal Reserve Bank,  https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
5. Newman Numismatic Portal, https://nnp.wustl.edu/
6. McGregor Branch of the State Bank of Iowa, 1860-61 Journal and sharebooks
7. Auction catalogs and online archives of Heritage Auctions, Lyn Knight Currency, Smythe, and Stacks Bowers
8. Iowa City Republican and Iowa State Reporter, Iowa City newspapers, for financial statements, and many other Iowa and regional
papers for general news items, 1858-1873
9. Haxby, James A., Standard Catalog of United States Obsolete Bank Notes 1782-1866, vol.1, Krause Publ., 1988
10. State Bank seal on Report to the Governor from Elihu Baker, Sec., and Chester Weed, Pres. on 8/10-12/1859 Board Meeting,
Governor’s Correspondence, Miscellaneous 1857-1909 Banks, State Archives, Box DM, RG043, 051092, S27/05/04, Des Moines
11. “Grand Haul of Counterfeiters,” New York Times, Aug. 11, 1864, page 2
12. Wilde, Bernie, and Davis, Greg, “Census of Obsolete Proofs from the ABNC Archives,” 2010 IPMS talk, online at
https://archive.org/details/IPMS10002/AA_StreamingVersion_IPMS10002.mp4
13. Erickson, Erling A., “Money and Banking in a ‘Bankless’ State: Iowa, 1846-1857,” Business History Review, Summer 1969, 43
14. Federal Reserve Committee on Branch, Group, and Chain Banking, “Branch Banking in the United States,” circa 1932, online at
https://fraser.stlouisfed.org/title/branch-banking-united-states-686
15. Bob McCabe, Counterfeiting and Technology, Whitman Publishing, LLC, 2016
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Wooden Nickels 
by Clifford F. Thies 
The expression “don’t take any wooden nickels,” meaning “watch out,” came into the lexicon during the 1920s, 
or maybe before. Dictionaries aren’t sure. A search of the Library of Congress’ digital newspapers found the 
expression used as an adage at the turn of the century (implying that the expression “wooden nickel” had an earlier 
origin): 
“Don’t take any wooden nickels or bad checks.” 
Phillipsburg Herald [KS] February 5, 1903, p. 4 
“We wouldn’t give a wooden nickel.” 
True Democrat (Tallahassee FL) June 28, 1907, p. 10 
“We wouldn’t give a wooden nickel for all a man knows who thinks he knows it all.” 
Daily Ardmoreite [Ardmore OK] May 30, 1907, p. 3 
“Look close and do not take any wooden nickels when you get your change.” 
Baxter Springs News [KS] July 16, 1908, p. 8 
Of course, before the wooden nickel, there had to be the nickel nickel. During the inflation associated with the 
Civil War, redemption of U.S. currency in silver and/or gold was suspended, and silver and gold coins disappeared 
from circulation (except in California where private mints continued to supply gold coins). 
As the economy was desperate for small change, Congress provided fractional paper currency and, then, base 
metal coins including three- and five-cent pieces made of a nickel-copper alloy. (The three-cent coin was eventually 
discontinued.) These coins came to be known as “nickels.” (Previously, silver five-cent pieces had been known as 
“half dimes.”) 
Resumption only occurred in 1879 and, until then, silver coins were in short supply. 
“There is great complaint among the people at the slowness with which silver change is got into circulation.” 
Chicago Daily Tribune, May 16, 1876, p. 4 
“Considering the not large amount issued, the silver change circulates quite as much as could be expected.” 
[meaning it circulates slowly] 
Wheeling Daily Intelligencer, May 20, 1876, p. 2 
During the time that silver coins were in short supply, merchants and others issued token coins, invariably 
using base metal. Later in the century, the technology was developed for printing on thin pieces of wood. Hence, 
“wooden nickels”. 
To skirt the federal law making it illegal to issue anything intended to serve as a general medium of exchange, 
these base metal and wooden tokens and paper scrip were often annotated “redeemable in merchandise,” or “not 
transferable.” 
 “Shield Nickel” of 1863-1883 
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Wooden tokens became popular as novelties and marketing gimmicks. What they lacked in durability, they 
gained in cheapness when intended for limited use. For example, as tokens useful for discounted admission to a 
fair. But, the wooden nickels were sometimes passed into circulation as though they were a general medium of 
exchange.   
New Kind of Money 
From the Pittsburgh Dispatch of August 16, 1892, p. 4, we find that in a Mexican town in which copper coins 
were scarce, an American sold local merchants fractional currency printed on wood. A large amount was put into 
circulation. But, the merchants refused to redeem the wooden change notes and the state government put an end to 
the practice. The American who sold the wooden change notes to the Mexican merchants then disappeared into the 
United States. 
From such schemes came the warning against wooden nickels. 
“The snow was falling with dull thuds all around her, and she had no money; only a wooden nickel.” 
Tacoma Times, January 10, 1913, p. 2 
“…the meanest man would be the fellow who would give a blind beggar a wooden nickel.” 
Topeka State Journal, March 15, 1915, p. 4 
With the deranged monetary conditions of the Great Depression, wooden currency made something of a 
comeback. In Tenino, Washington, when the one bank in town was closed, the local chamber of commerce came up 
with the idea of printing small denomination currency backed by the assets frozen inside the bank, on thin pieces of 
wood. The resulting money became a tourist souvenir, as well as a local medium of exchange, and was imitated in 
several other places. This depression-era wooden scrip appears in the 1984 Standard Catalog of Depression Scrip in 
the United States by Ralph A. Mitchell and Neil Shafer, among other places. 
Tenino Wooden Currency, 1933 
Wooten's Ice Cream and Soda Parlor, 
Spartanburg, S.C., circa 1909 
https://www.angelfire.com/sc/sctokens/  
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The Mauch Chunk National Bank – 
Charter #6534 
        Like many small towns across America who graced national bank notes back in the day, Mauch Chunk, 
Pennsylvania is probably a city most people have never heard of. You wouldn’t even be able to find it on your favorite 
road map, but not because it’s so small. The town of Mauch (Pronounced Mok) Chunk was renamed after a famous 
athlete in 1954. 
        In 1902, The 1st National Bank of Mauch Chunk (Charter #437) and The Linderman National Bank (Charter 
#2852) merged into a new bank known as The Mauch Chunk National Bank. 
        The Mauch Chunk National Bank was chartered December 15, 1902, and 
opened for business December 31, 1902, under the direction of its president M. S. 
Kemmerer.  Born in Cherry Valley, Pennsylvania, Mahlon Sistie Kemmerer (1843-
1925), was a veteran of the Civil War, enlisting in the Union cause during the dark 
days of the Rebellion. When the large freshet of 1862 suspended operations in the 
coal regions of Pennsylvania, Mahlon joined a core of engineers employed by the 
Lehigh Coal and Navigation Company, making repairs associated with the properties 
of the company. This engineering core, which he remained with for 4 years, also 
surveyed the Lehigh and Susquehanna Railroad. M. S. Kemmerer, a commoner, got 
his career jump started when he married Annie Leisenring on December 1, 1868. 
Annie was the daughter of the Hon. John Leisenring, who was one of Mauch Chunk’s 
foremost citizens. John Leisenring, a wealthy coal operator, provided Mahlon with 
connections and financial backing. Mahlon rose through the ranks to become a 
commissioned coal dealer and developed ownership interests in various coal and iron companies in Pennsylvania, 
Virginia, and Wyoming. It was in Wyoming where Patrick J. Quealy, vice-president and general manager of the 
Kemmerer Coal Company, named a town after M. S. Kemmerer, who was his financial backer. Kemmerer, organized 
in 1897, is in southwest Wyoming and is the county seat of Lincoln County. It is the town where James Cash Penney 
opened his very first store in 1902. Before the merger with The Mauch Chunk National Bank, M. S. Kemmerer served 
as president of The 1st National Bank of Mauch Chunk from 1894-1902. He retired as president in 1924 and passed 
away the following year in Atlantic City. 
        A close relationship existed between P. J. Quealy and M. S. Kemmerer, that spanned a 30-year period. In 1896, 
the two gentlemen hatched the plan to form the Wyoming town while strolling through Central Park in New York 
City. Mr. Quealy even named his son, Mahlon Kemmerer Quealy, after the Pennsylvania Coal Magnate. P. J. Quealy 
was the founding president of The First National Bank of Kemmerer in 1900. He remained with the bank in that 
capacity until his death on November 17, 1930. After his passing, John L. Kemmerer, the son of M. S. Kemmerer, 
became the next president of the Wyoming bank in 1931. 
        A bustling coal and railroad town, Mauch Chunk (Indian derived, meaning “Bear Mountain”), was founded in 
1818. At the turn of the twentieth century the town was flourishing, and the future looked bright. However, the Great 
Depression and less demand for coal hit Mauch Chunk hard. With the economy depressed, the town launched the 
“Nickel A Week” Industrial Plan in June of 1953, where every resident would contribute 5 cents per week for a period 
of 5 years. The campaign was designed to induce new industry to the area to create jobs to stem the exodus of their 
young people. The death of Jim Thorpe in March of 1953 set off a series of events that would impact the future of 
the small town. 
       Jim Thorpe’s burial was set to take place in April of 1953 near his hometown of Prague, Oklahoma. A memorial 
was scheduled to be built in his honor, but when the Oklahoma governor wouldn’t authorize the funding, Patsy Thorpe 
(Thorpe’s 3rd wife), became enraged. On a cool night, with a hearse and highway patrolmen in tow, Mrs. Thorpe 
ordered the coffin loaded into the hearse during her husband’s ritual feast, the day before his Native American funeral 
service. 
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        After months of “shopping” the body, while in Philadelphia, Patsy noticed a television program detailing the 
“Nickel A Week” campaign and the plight of the “Chunkers”. Intrigued, days later she met with civic leaders and in 
1954 a deal was struck. 
        The body of Jim Thorpe arrived in Mauch Chunk on February 7, 1954, a place he had never visited while 
breathing. In June of 1954 the two towns of Mauch Chunk and East Mauch Chunk, with a total population of 6000, 
merged to become Jim Thorpe. The man, Jim Thorpe, was now buried in the place, Jim Thorpe. The borough of Jim 
Thorpe is in eastern Pennsylvania, 90 miles north of Philadelphia and is the county seat of Carbon County. The 
residents hoped the name change would give their town a new lease on life, with the possibility of luring the Pro 
Football Hall of Fame and talk of a new hospital, serving as a living memorial to the legend. While an economic 
boom did not materialize right away, by the 1980’s the town underwent a resurgence, powered by the tourism 
industry. The picturesque town of Jim Thorpe, known as the “Gateway to the Poconos”, is frequented by visitors 
from the populated east coast to enjoy hiking, skiing, biking and is also a popular rafting destination. 
        The Mauch Chunk National Bank issued 585,092 large size national notes, totaling $4,872,400, while 
125,193 small size nationals were issued, totaling $967,260. Although, not a scarce Bank, finding notes in 
uncirculated condition can be quite a difficult proposition. This charter issued $5, $10, and $20 denominations for 
both large and small size nationals.  
        The $10, type 1 
variety note pictured has 
the signature of President 
Ira George Ross, who was 
born in Bethlehem, PA on 
February 23, 1861. He 
started working for The 1st 
National Bank of Mauch 
Chunk as a teenager in 
1880 and promoted to 
assistant cashier in 1893. 
He continued serving in 
that capacity with the 
Mauch Chunk National 
Bank after the merger in 
1902. In June of 1912, 
Edgar Twining, the first cashier of The Mauch Chunk National Bank, suffered a stroke in his office and passed away 
a few days later. Ira Ross was promptly appointed cashier the following month. He was elected president of the bank 
on January 15, 1925, and held that position upon his death on March 7, 1935, ending a 55-year career with the 
financial institution. 
        The signature of Cashier R. S. Ruddle (1863-1947), a native of East Mauch 
Chunk, adorns the $10 note pictured. Richard Sharpe Ruddle’s career began as a clerk 
with the Lehigh Coal and Navigation Company in 1884. Shortly thereafter, he was 
hired as a bookkeeper for The 1st National Bank of Mauch Chunk. After the merger, 
he was promoted to assistant cashier on January 13, 1916, and elected director of the 
bank on January 8, 1924. On January 15, 1925, he was elected cashier, and remained 
in that position until his retirement on March 30, 1940. An authority on the early 
history of Mauch Chunk, Mr. Ruddle possessed an extensive collection of photographs 
of the town. The local newspaper’s documented numerous presentations he gave to the 
different organizations in the area. This interest might be the result of his grandfather 
being one of the first settlers to the area. John Ruddle (1794-1865) immigrated from 
England to Mauch Chunk and began working as an auditor for the Lehigh Coal and 
Navigation Company in 1820. R. S. Ruddle’s obituary appeared in the Mauch Chunk 
Times-News on December 29, 1947, stating “In his capacity as historian, he was 
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instrumental in organizing the Carbon County Historical Society.” In May of 1941 he was elected president of said 
Society. Mr. Ruddle was also the nephew of Alexander Leisenring, who was president of The 1st National Bank of 
Mauch Chunk from 1869-1893. 
        After the renaming of the town, The Mauch Chunk National Bank became the Jim Thorpe National Bank on 
July 1, 1954. In 2013, the bank converted from a national bank to a state-chartered bank and changed their name to 
the Jim Thorpe Neighborhood Bank. 
        Jim Thorpe, who was born in 1887, grew up in Sac and Fox tribal 
territory of Oklahoma. He gained notoriety at the 1912 Olympic Games in 
Stockholm, Sweden, winning gold medals in both the pentathlon and the 
decathlon. In presenting Thorpe with his two gold medals, King Gustav V 
of Sweden remarked, “You sir, are the greatest athlete in the world.” In 
1913 it was determined he played semi-professional baseball in 1909 and 
1910 and stripped of his medals. The International Olympic Committee 
(IOC) restored his amateur status in 1982, and the Thorpe family was 
presented with replica gold medals. To this day, the IOC documents Thorpe 
as the co-gold medalist with the second-place finishers, and none of his 
record performances are officially recognized. In 2021, Oklahoma 
lawmakers introduced legislation urging the IOC to restore Thorpe’s 1912 
Olympic records and recognize him as the sole gold medalist. 
       Thorpe competed in track and field and was a 2-time All-American in 
football at the Carlisle Indian Industrial School, where he was coached by 
the legendary Pop Warner. Thorpe came into the 1912 Army game fresh 
off his Olympic medals and regarded as arguably the best player in college 
football. The Cadets knew to defeat Carlisle, they needed to stop their 
celebrated halfback. The powerhouse Army team led 6-0, but Thorpe ran 
wild in the second half, leading Carlisle to a 27-6 victory. The game 
featured 9 future generals, including a 22-year-old named Dwight D. 
Eisenhower, class of 1915. Per the Eisenhower Foundation, the West Point 
graduates of 1915 would later be known as the “Class the Stars Fell On”, because so many rose to the rank of general 
in World War II. A top halfback on the east coast, Eisenhower suffered a career ending injury the following week 
against Tufts. Thorpe, who played Major League Baseball for 6 years and professional football for 12, was inducted 
into the College Football Hall of Fame in 1951 and was a charter member of the Pro Football Hall of Fame in 1963. 
In 1950, the Associated Press echoed King Gustav’s sentiments when they ranked him as the “Greatest Athlete” from 
the first 50 years of the twentieth century, with George Herman Ruth finishing a distant second. He appeared on the 
Wheaties box in 2001 and was featured on US Postal Service stamps in 1984 and 1998. Thorpe retired from 
professional sports just as the Great Depression hit. Sadly, he had a difficult time assimilating to work outside of 
sports, falling into alcoholism, and dying in poverty at the age of 65. 
        According to Sac and Fox beliefs, failing to complete a burial observance has terrible consequences, as the spirit 
of the dead is earthbound. Thorpe’s family was determined to return his remains back to Oklahoma to finish his 
Native American funeral. In June of 2010, Jack Thorpe, the son of Jim Thorpe, filed a lawsuit against the town of 
Jim Thorpe for his father’s remains, under the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA). 
Passed by Congress in 1990, NAGPRA gives a tribe the right to demand that museum’s hand over Indian remains 
and artifacts. After the passing of Jack Thorpe in 2011, two of his surviving brothers and the Sac and Fox tribe of 
Oklahoma joined the suit. 
In 2013, a U. S. District judge ruled in favor of the sons, saying the town itself amounted to a museum under 
NAGPRA. The city decided to appeal, and on October 23, 2014, the U. S. Circuit Court of Appeals overturned 
the 2013 ruling in favor of the Thorpeians. The sons filed an appeal, but in 2015 the U.S. Supreme Court refused 
to hear the case. It appears the town of Jim Thorpe has won the Olympic tug-of-war for the bones of Jim Thorpe. 
While his body lays peacefully in a mausoleum on the outskirts of town, his spirit wanders the earth in sorrow. 
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U N C O U P L E D : 
PAPER MONEY’S 
ODD COUPLE 
Joseph	E.	Boling	 	Fred	Schwan
Pacific War short snorters 
 Fred told me he was working on WWII 
numismatics of Hawaii this month (all except what we 
first think of from Hawaii—the overprinted brown-
seal notes), and I should see what I can do on Hawaii 
to parallel him. As you know, when I join him it is to 
show bad paper that is related to his good paper. I told 
him I have no fakes related to Hawaii. But I do have 
some interesting short snorters of the Pacific War, so 
here goes.  
 The first one is on a 1935A Hawaii note, well 
decorated mostly in ink that did not run badly as the 
note was exposed to the rigors of handling (figures 1 
and 2). Two signatures on the back are nice and bold 
(and did soak through to the face), but are too generic 
to be useful. So let’s stick to the face. 
See Boling page 143    
More HAWAII 
 I love HAWAII notes. Heck, I love typing 
HAWAII. So, you can imagine that I loved the cover 
story in the January/February Paper Money by Lee 
Lofthus about HAWAII notes (Lee used Hawaii). That 
is true, but is a great understatement. Lee’s article is 
special in many ways, some of which are a bit 
surprising. For example, his list of sources includes 23 
diverse and valuable references! For me that was a 
wonderful bonus. Many of the sources were unknown 
to me, and it is great to have such an inclusive list all 
in one place. This list is going to keep me busy. 
 I have told you before that deciding on the subject 
for a column is usually the most difficult part of 
writing it. Lee’s article inspired me report on Hawaii. 
I more or less completed my collection of HAWAII 
notes some forty years ago. Since then I have 
collected World War II Hawaii other than the notes. 
I have little, if anything, to offer about HAWAII 
notes, but I do have a lot to share with you about those 
other numismatic items of Hawaii. I think (hope) 
some of these will surprise and, perhaps, please you. 
(please see illustrations top of the next page.) 
 Defense and war bonds constitute the broadest 
category of items. More defense and war bonds were 
sold per capita in Hawaii than any other territory or 
any state! That is not surprising when you recall that 
Hawaii was the target of the Japanese attack on 
December 7, 1941. The really good news is that 
many of the bonds sold had commemorative rubber 
stamp markings. Of course these bonds are greatly 
prized by collectors. Throughout the remainder of the 
war, great efforts were made to sell bonds on “Pearl 
Harbor Day.” These efforts were most intense in 
Hawaii, but they were made on the mainland and even 
among military personnel around the world. Now I 
and at least a few other collectors seek to build a 
collection of Pearl Harbor Day bonds 1942-1945. 
Figure 1 above & Figure 2 below
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 To me, the most interesting thing in Lee’s 
article is the introduction of Thomas Green to 
numismatics. Thomas H. Green was a World War 
I veteran. At the time of the Japanese attack he 
was the judge advocate general corps officer of 
the Hawaii territorial military headquarters. Green 
and his activities are 
described throughout 
Lee’s article. Green wrote 
a book about his 
experiences during the 
war, Martial Law in 
Hawaii December 7, 1941-
April 4, 1943. The book 
was never published but 
the manuscript resides in the Library of Congress. 
Apparently, Lee was able to access this document. I have 
not been able to figure out how to do that (yet). I did not 
know about his book before, but I did know about Green. 
 Many years ago, I purchased some autographed 
HAWAII notes that had belonged to General Green. One 
of the notes was accompanied by a typewritten letter 
describing the circumstances of Green taking the $20 note 
from circulation and very kindly included the serial 
number of the note! He wrote the same information on the 
back of the note! I had a wonderful email exchange with 
Lee about this. He sent me the image above of then 
Lieutenant Colonel Green and General Delos C. Emmons, 
and I sent him images of the autographed notes and the 
letter. We were both excited! 
Lieutenant Colonel Green stands with General Emmons, 
Hawaii military governor. 
Photo courtesy Densho.org and Lee Lofthus. 
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 You can find 
Green’s signature on 
Territory of Hawaii 
gasoline coupons. 
These coupons are 
interesting and exist in 
many varieties. They 
come in (at least) two 
denominations with 
multiple series(?) 
letters in the 
background. Quite 
unexpectedly, Green’s 
signature appears in 
three different 
versions—three different military ranks: lieutenant colonel, colonel, and brigadier general! (After the war Green 
retired as a major general.) 
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One of the missions of the Secret Service 
is public education. As part of this mission the 
service published pamphlets titled Know Your 
Money. I have a collection of these publications 
from the war years. The 1943 issue announces, 
describes, and illustrates HAWAII notes. If this 
is not the earliest general notification on the 
mainland, it is nearly so. 
Securities? 
Collectors are very familiar with HAWAII 
notes and in general with the restricted 
circulation of the notes. The fundamental reason 
for the creation and use of HAWAII notes was so 
that they could be repudiated if they fell into 
enemy hands. Authorities led by Green were 
similarly concerned about protecting 
“securities.” Occasionally, the situation with 
securities is briefly mentioned in discussions about HAWAII notes, but details are never given. 
Lee includes one important statement on this subject. He quotes the Treasury revocation of currency 
restrictions: “unperforated securities and ordinary United States currency may be marketed and circulated in Hawaii” 
(October 21, 1944). From this statement we can see that Hawaiians were in fact required to turn in their securities to 
be marked by perforation. The securities were perforated with an “H.” 
The matter of marking securities is interesting. Certainly, Green would have reason to worry about 
government bearer bonds, but what of registered securities? I have never seen any information discussing this point. 
It does not seem to me that registered securities needed any additional protection, but we now know that stock 
certificates were indeed perforated. We know this because collector friend Jim Aitken has found perforated stock 
certificates in Hawaii! Possibly, Green was worried that owners could be pressured to endorse certificates that might 
then be redeemed. It is also possible that submission of registered certificates was not required, but they were 
perforated if submitted. 
If the authorities felt it necessary to mark registered securities, it seems to me that war bonds would have 
required the perforation. It would have been much easier to handle war bonds than stock certificates that had been 
issued. The war bonds could have been perforated before issuing. Indeed, the perforation could have been a feature 
encouraging bond sales similarly to the rubber stamps shown earlier. Certainly, we have not seen any war bonds so 
marked, but they could exist. 
Club chits were commonly used—around the globe—at a wide range 
of clubs operated by many different agencies during World War II. 
Many different chits were issued in Hawaii. I have not worked very 
hard on my chit collection so I do not have a lot to share with you on 
the subject except to show you a representative group. 
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We have discussed prisoner of war chits in the past. They are the ultimate type of chit. Only one Hawaiian camp is 
known, Central Pacific Base Command, Army Port and Service Command Prisoner of War Camp. For that camp 
only one partial booklet is known (serial number 5381B). It is important to note that the camp is not indicated on the 
chit so it is important to record this serial number. You might find one of these chits someday! (images courtesy of 
Dave Frank) 
The final category that I can think of to mention is one that we have also covered in the past—checks. I have 
only seen a few Hawaii checks that were dated during the war, but the illustrated example gives a clue to the 
possibilities. It is a check on a branch of the Bank of Hawaii. How many branches were there? A collection of even 
several of the branch checks would be very interesting. I suspect that there are some check collectors out there who 
might be able to help us (especially me) in this area with information (or checks!). 
There certainly must be some other things that have eluded my attention. I would love to hear from you on 
the subject of World War II Hawaiian numismatics (one below and one at end of article). (fredschwan@yahoo.com) 
Pearl Harbor Day handbill
promoting bond sale.
Check on Bank of Hawaii dated during the war.
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Boling continued; 
Flanking George’s portrait are two signatures on the 
left and one on the right that I have been able to trace 
(figure 3). Faintly above the bold Mary Neal is Irene 
Stone—you may barely be able to see it in the photo. 
Then there is Miss Neal, and on the other side of 
George, Mary Anne Stallings. These three women 
were 2/Lt flight nurses, assigned to two medical aerial 
evacuation squadrons. Stallings was assigned to the 
809th MAES and Stone and Neal to the 812th. Both 
squadrons were based at Hickam Field, Hawaii, and 
flew wounded and gravely ill servicemen from their 
forward bases back to Hawaii, and if necessary, to 
California for treatment. Lt. Neal stayed in the reserve 
after the war and retired as a major.  
  As an example, the 809th squadron had 26 nurses, 
six doctors, five C-54 cargo planes with ten crews, and 
scores of medical technicians and logistics operators. 
All but the nurses were male. The aircraft were 
modified to accept patients on litters. The squadron 
was organized into four flights and they operated 
throughout the theater. Both squadrons were assigned 
to 7th Air Force, the theater-level Army Air Corps 
organization until late in the war when the 8th Air 
Force was added.  
 The 809th, the first MAES assigned to the Pacific, 
arrived in theater in November 1943 and the 812th 
joined them a couple of months later. In the rest of the 
world (Europe, the China-Burma-India theater, and 
North Africa) there were about a dozen more of these 
squadrons, but two were deemed able to serve the 
demand of the Pacific theater.  
Aerial evacuation of wounded and sick troops 
had a hard time “getting respect,” but once they were 
trained (at Bowman Field, Louisville, Kentucky) and 
operating, nobody could imagine going back to sea 
evacuation. Because the C-54s carried patients in only 
one direction, they were loaded with critical materiel 
for the outbound trip, so they were not adorned with 
red crosses (save for one plane in India). But in the 
Pacific no planes were lost, and no patient died during 
evacuation—the nurses and techs on each flight 
delivered them for advanced care and flew back for 
another load.  
 There are other signatures that are legible on this 
snorter, but I have not succeeded in tracing any of 
them. But on the right end of the face (figure 4) is other 
interesting information. I have not determined what 
the beginning of the line says after “1st,” but at the 
other end it says “878th Sq - Saipan.” That’s the 878th 
Bombardment Squadron (very heavy). “Very heavy” 
means B-29s. This was one of Gen. Lemay’s 
instruments for pummeling Japan’s industrial and 
urban sectors. I assume that some of the other 
signatures are related to that unit, which arrived on 
Saipan in September 1944, but I have not yet searched 
for a manning roster. The nurses are all listed (and 
searchable) at  
http://legendsofflightnurses.org/FlightNurses/Index.asp, 
a marvelous page for identifying some of the female 
signers that we find on short snorters, from all theaters. 
 Moving to my second piece, it’s the second 
generation of Hawaii notes—issued after mid-1944 
when it became obvious that Japan was not going to 
overrun Hawaii and capture large amounts of US 
currency. The ban on ordinary blue-seal notes was 
lifted, and new arrivals received them (figures 5 & 6).  
Fig. 3
Fig. 5 above and 6 below.
Fig. 4
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   There are four (so far) traceable signatures on 
this note. This time we start at the right center of the 
back, where three of them appear sideways.  The top 
one, in a very slanted but uniform hand, is Claude 
Thornton. He was a pianist, arranger, composer, and 
band leader who was knocking down big bucks as a 
civilian, but in 1942, at age 33 or 34, he enlisted in the 
Navy and played throughout the Pacific with Jackie 
Cooper, Dennis Day, and others, entertaining troops. 
He was discharged in 1946 and inducted into the Big 
Band and Jazz Hall of Fame in 1984. 
 Two signatures below his we find Marjorie E.Von 
Stein, who was a Navy nurse stationed at Pearl Harbor 
when we were jerked into the war. In 1945 she was a 
lieutenant, and her obituary shows her as a 
commander.  
 Between Thornton’s and Von Stein’s signatures is 
one that really surprised me—Dickey Meyer Chapelle 
(born in 1918 as Georgette Louise Meyer). I had not 
known that she saw service in WWII. She was a 
renowned photo-journalist, who went ashore on Iwo 
Jima (against orders) and also covered Okinawa. She 
died on 4 November 1965 on a Marine patrol in 
Vietnam, a casualty of a booby trap (one that she did 
not activate). A French photo-journalist on the same 
patrol, Henri Huet, photographed her receiving last 
rites. He was also lost to enemy fire later in the 
Vietnam war, when a helicopter carrying him was shot 
down. Combat journalism is hazardous duty. 
 Which brings us to the fourth signature on this 
note. Just over the word ONE in the center of the back 
is the fancy signature of Ernie Pyle (figure 8). Pyle was 
killed at the end of the Okinawa campaign on one of 
the adjacent islands, Ie Jima, on 18 April 1945. He was 
far the oldest of the signers we have covered in this 
column, born in 1900, the close of the 19th century. It 
was for this signature that I bought the note—I had no 
idea who else was on it, and I did not study it to death. 
I happily paid the $35 that was asked and walked away 
(the show was closing anyway, and this stop was my 
last one at the show). Finding Dickey Chapelle’s 
signature later was a stunner.  
  And I am sure that when I have the time to really 
dig, there will be other satisfying finds on these two 
notes.  
Fig. 8
Restaurant menu requiring payment in HAWAII dollars. 
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   The Obsolete Corner 
The Commercial & Agricultural  
Bank of Texas 
by Robert Gill 
                  
As we are now into March of this new year, I hope 
the weather is becoming nice for you where you 
are.  Here in Southern Oklahoma, overall, it has 
been a very mild winter.  I guess that is just fuel to 
add to the fire of those believing the world's 
climate is getting warmer.  I guess time will tell on 
that.  
        Hopefully this will be a good year for me in 
adding to my Obsolete sheet collection. There has 
been some really nice "new" material to hit the 
market in the last couple of years.  I hope that 
trend continues to be true. 
        And now let's look at the sheet that I've 
chosen to share with you in this issue of Paper 
Money.  Let's go to the "Lone Star" State of Texas 
and look at The Commercial & Agricultural Bank 
of Texas.  Because of stringent laws there during 
Obsolete times bank notes printed in that state 
were virtually non-existent.  So now, let's look at 
the short-lived history of this financial  institution. 
        The path that Texas took in becoming a state 
of our great country was completely different from 
what other states took.  It was a nation of its own 
before joining the United States as the twenty-
eighth state on December 29th, 1845.  Spain had 
been the ruler of this part of the world, including 
what would become Texas, from the early 1500s 
until Mexico was able to gain freedom in 1821.  
The Republic of Mexico was the sole governing 
body of the land of Texas from that date until 
1835, the year that the Republic of Texas was able 
to gain independence from Mexico by means of a 
revolution.   
        The Commercial and Agricultural Bank of 
Texas was chartered by the Mexican state of 
Coahuila and Texas on April 30th, 1835.  At this 
time, Texas was still a province of Mexico.  The 
authorized capital was $1,000,000, divided into 
ten thousand shares.  Well known Texas 
entrepreneur Samuel May Williams was the 
recipient of the charter.  Early on notes had been 
authorized to be printed in anticipation of the 
Bank's opening. 
         On December 14th, 1837, after Texas became 
independent, the issuance or circulation of 
promissory notes was prohibited by the Congress 
of the Republic.  But thru special authorization the 
Bank was granted authorization to issue notes in 
an amount not to exceed $30,000.  But 
immediately after that an act followed with the 
statement that  "all laws granting to any 
individual, individuals or corporations the 
authority to issue either bills or promissory notes 
to pass or circulate as money, are hereby 
repealed."  This resulted in the Bank being 
deprived of circulating notes.  A short time later 
the charter lapsed. 
        Because of some notes being printed in 
anticipation of the Bank's opening, a few 
remainders have survived as a testament of its 
existence.  
        The Commercial & Agricultural Bank of 
Texas was the only bank authorized in Texas prior 
to the organization of National Banks in 1865.  
         So there's the history behind this short-lived 
enterprise.  It' amazing how far our nation's 
second-largest state has come from its early 
beginnings. 
        As I always do, I invite any comments to my 
personal email address robertdalegill@gmail.com 
or my cell phone (580) 221-0898.  Until next time, 
HAPPY COLLECTING.         
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The front of the Type-39 Treasury note endorsed by Edward C. Wharton, Quartermaster. 
                                                                                                                                                           image: Randall Smith 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Maj. Edward C. Wharton 
Quartermaster, District of Texas 
 
War brings out the best and the worst in men. 
The South had its share of scoundrels like Maj. 
Peirce, the subject of a previous Quartermaster 
Column, but it also had honest men who put aside 
their self interest to work for the common good of the 
South. Although the government of the Confederacy 
was founded on the preservation of slavery to support 
its economy, we can find many examples of 
admirable civil servants and military officers who 
could serve as role models for our time.1 A stellar 
example was Major Edward C. Wharton.  
The National Archives contain one hundred 
and seventy-one documents for E. C. Wharton. All of 
Wharton’s military career was spent in Texas, mostly 
in Houston, but at times in Galveston and many other 
economically important locations in Texas. He 
reported to various commands, the last of which was 
the command of Maj. Gen’l John Bankhead 
Magruder. A Wikipedia article on Magruder gives 
some context for Wharton’s history: 
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_B._Magruder.  
The illustrated Treasury note was endorsed in 
July of 1863 when Wharton was assigned to Houston. 
The endorsement reads: 
 
“Issued July 1st 1863 
        E. C. Wharton 
                     Maj & Q M   CSA”             
             
 
  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Wharton’s endorsement can be found on 
Confederate Treasury notes with some perseverance 
(R11-). He added the place name of Houston on one, 
very rare and very heavily circulated example. It was 
The Quartermaster Column No. 23 
by Michael McNeil
The endorsement of E. C. Wharton, Maj. & QM, CSA.  
                                                       image: Randall Smith 
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discovered by Dr. Enrico Aidala, an author of articles 
familiar to the readers of Paper Money. 
1861 Wharton was first appointed by 
Gen’l Paul O. Hebert on October 2nd as an Agent of 
the Military Department of Texas “to collect 
information in regard to the practicability of having 
Commissary and Quarter Master Supplies furnished 
in the shortest time at such points in the interior of 
the State as are the most available for distributing 
depots. His traveling expenses will be paid by the 
Department...” 
Wharton wrote Gen’l Hebert with detailed 
descriptions of the availability and prices of various 
commodities like flour, corn, nails, lumber, bacon 
sides, pork, hay, sugar, and salt, the latter being 
unavailable. Wharton recommended chartering a 
schooner to run the blockade for salt (it was the 
primary means of preservation of meat). Many of 
Wharton’s letters from this time are found in his 
National Archives file, all of them with detailed 
information, even drawings of the layouts of a camp. 
Wharton was hard-working, detail-oriented, and self-
effacing, once making the comment, “I know but 
little of this kind of thing....” 
In short order on October 15th Wharton 
accepted a commission as Capt. & Assistant Quarter 
Master & Assistant Commissary of Subsistence. This 
is one of the very few instances in which an officer 
held both of these positions at the same time. This 
would later change with the Conscription Act when 
state militias were placed under central control in 
Richmond. Wharton obtained a bond of $20,000.00 
in Galveston and signed an oath to the Confederate 
States on October 23rd. 
1862 Altruism is the opposite of self-
interest, and Wharton showed clear evidence of 
altruistic behavior. With the Union blockade proving 
porous to Confederate blockade runners, the Union 
commander of the USS Santee demanded the 
surrender of Galveston on May 17th. Gen’l Hebert, as 
“the Confederate military commander for the District 
of Texas, ordered the evacuation of civilians, 
livestock, supplies, and cannon, realizing that the 
defenses were not prepared to repel a sustained 
attack.”2  Wharton took the initiative on May 26th to 
ask Capt. Geo. R. Wilson: 
Will you be kind enough to have an order issued 
authorizing Capt. E. C. Wharton A. C. S. at this 
Depot, to use discressionary (sic) powers in 
regard to the issues to the poor families now in 
our City fugitives from the beleagured (sic) City 
of Galveston. 
1863 It is common practice in 
wartime for governments to fix the cost of materials. 
Wharton managed the manufacture of clothing for the 
military, and the fixed cost of that clothing was lower 
than the actual cost to produce it. Wharton was part 
of an effort in the Texas Quartermaster Department 
to make sure that the soldier was not burdened with 
the difference. In a letter of January 20th, a copy of 
which Wharton signed in acknowledgement, Maj. J. 
F. Minter, Chief Quarter Master, District of Texas, 
issued his decision that “...it is not contemplated that 
the soldier shall pay the difference between the cost 
of the clothing to the Gov’t and the prices established 
by the War Department.” 
On May 30th Maj. Gen’l Magruder issued 
General Order No. 76 and appointed Wharton to the 
rank of Major with continued assignment at his post 
in Houston. The promotion was subject to approval 
by the President. Wharton endorsed Treasury notes 
with the rank of Major during this time, but he 
quickly reverted to using the rank of Captain as his 
promotion languished in Richmond. He arrived in 
Columbia, Texas, on December 14th and reported to 
Gen’l Luckett. He then established a principal depot 
at Millican, Texas, with most of the type of shops he 
managed, and later “...brought down clothing for 
Hobby’s Regt for Negroes....” He signed his report as 
a Captain. 
Issues with the clothing supplied to slaves 
apparently resulted in General Order No. 60, dated 
December 22nd, which stated in part: 
All officers & other persons to whom clothing is 
issued to Negroes, under their control, are 
directed to return the value of the same to the 
Clothing Bureau officers, whenever settlements 
are made, with the owners of the Negroes. 
In other words, the Army was paying owners of 
Negro slaves both for the work performed and 
clothes supplied by the military to the slaves; and 
they required the owners of those slaves to pay the 
military for the slaves’ clothing. It is not too difficult 
to read between these lines to see that the slave 
owners had to be forced into supplying appropriate 
and sufficient clothing to their slaves. 
Having never received his formal 
commission, Wharton started the ball rolling in 
Richmond with an eight-page letter of September 
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15th. The paper trail of comments on the cover of his 
letter illustrate the complexity of the approval of 
commissions and the problems faced by the central 
government in Richmond in dealing with the Trans-
Mississippi Department from such a far remove. The 
A. & I. G. Office wrote: 
[Wharton] Claims to have been nominated AQM 
& ACS by Gen’l Hebert Oct 8, 1861, and 
confirmed but has never recd his commission.... 
Jno. Withers, A. A. General, continued on November 
2nd: 
Understand that tho recognized by the Q. M. Dept 
he is not known as an offr in the Commissary 
Dept; wishes the matter investigated, respectfully 
referred to the Q. M. General, C.S.A. 
A. R. Lawton, QM General, wrote on November 27th: 
Respectfully returned to the Secretary of War. 
The case seems most meritorious and I 
recommend that this officer (E. C. Wharton) be 
commissioned from October 8th, 1861, the date on 
which he entered upon the discharge of the duties 
on which he has since been continuously 
engaged. 
On December 1st, James A. Seddon, Secretary of 
War, initialed his approval: 
Appoint as recommended by Q M G to date from 
3rd May last (as far as I feel privileged to go). 
1864 President Davis felt it in his self 
interest to review the commissions and promotions of 
every officer in the military, never entrusting or 
delegating this authority to his Secretary of War, the 
Quartermaster General, the Commissary General, or 
the Adjutant General, and added his personal 
approval on January 27th, 1864, for Wharton’s formal 
commission as Capt. & AQM. For the two previous 
years Wharton apparently performed duties on a 
larger scale than many quartermasters with the rank 
of Major. 
Wharton’s responsibilites were immense and 
involved manufacturing far beyond the confines on 
Houston, which included  “...supervising the Shops, 
Foundry, Factory, and other manufacturing 
establishments connected with this Depot, and 
located, some here, some in the country, I had also to 
direct the working of the San Antonio, Austin, & 
Tyler Depots. ...I had no experienced Quarter Master 
to assist me at this important depot.” 
This took a toll, and Maj. Gen’l Magruder 
published a printed Special Order, No. 18, at 
Houston, Texas, on January 18th: 
At his own request, Capt. E. C. Wharton, A. Q. 
M., Chief of Bureau of Clothing and Equipage, is 
hereby relieved from duty for six months, in order 
that he may settle his past business and accounts. 
Capt. Wharton will turn over the public property 
in his hands to Capt. E. W. Taylor, who is 
announced as Chief of the Bureau of Clothing and 
Equipage. 
Wharton wrote a letter of February 29th to 
Brig. Gen’l Slaughter, Chief of Staff, Military 
District of Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona, stating 
that “...it had been necessary for me to go over all my 
business records since September last, in order to 
obtain accurate data; hence the delay....” Wharton 
accounted the activities under his direction in 
astonishing detail in a letter of 31 pages on legal-size 
paper. He closed his letter by saying that: 
I endeavored to meet the various and incessant 
calls on me for Clothing & Equipage as fairly as 
possible. If I have failed in any point, I trust the 
difficulties under which I have labored, may be an 
effectual plea in my defence. 
Wharton’s commitment to his government is 
illustrated in a publication discovered by Dave 
Schnorr, a dedicated member of the Trainmen. Here 
is Wharton’s appeal of November 19th, 1862, in the 
Galveston Weekly News: 
While our generous men and noble hearted 
women are exerting themselves again to supply 
from their scanty store, clothing to the heroes who 
so admirably sustain, out of the State, the honor 
and renown of Texas, let them not forget that 
there are those, nearer their homes, who equally 
need their welcome and timely contributions.  
True, these soldiers have not been baptised, as 
their gallant brethren abroad, in the terrible 
baptism of fire and blood, but they are embattled 
specially to defend the firesides of Texas, 
mothers, wives and daughters; and that sacred 
duty entitles them to at least some portion of the 
aid and sympathy that the women of our land 
have so freely extended to our brave men 
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elsewhere.  
     Our supplies of clothing and clothing material 
are limited.  Our resources for others, in time, are 
scant. Even with the means and the time, there are 
many necessary articles that we must look to the 
people to make and gather up, from the raw 
material in their hands.  We need these now.  
Winter is fast approaching.  Already our home 
defenders have suffered from its premonitory 
severities, and are ill prepared to meet the 
piercing norther and the cold, drenching rain.  
They have not murmured, nor do they falter in 
their duty ― the more powerful reason that those 
they defend should promptly aid in shielding 
them from the keen and merciless blast. 
     I appeal to the people of this District ― and I 
appeal specially to its women ― to assist us in 
this emergency.  Send upper and under clothing, 
shoes, socks, comforts, blankets, overcoats or 
material of some kind, to make them.  Articles 
designed for any particular regiment, battalion, or 
company, if carefully put up and properly 
addressed, will be sent to their destination.  What 
cannot be given will be paid for cheerfully.  And 
let me entreat them not to delay in this good work, 
else we shall be left, as we now are, to the tender 
mercies of the hordes of extortioners, who swarm 
in our land; who besiege us from sun-rise to sun-
set, and whose dreams are but of their unholy 
gains.  Nothing restrains these cormorants and 
vultures in human form; nor patriotism, nor 
conscience, nor the 8th commandment ― nay, not 
even that nightmare of Quarter Masters and 
horror of editors, the Army Regulations! which, in 
prohibiting, in the strictest terms, speculation, 
direct or indirect, in the public funds and 
property, by officers in charge thereof, did not 
contemplate, apparently, the possibility of citizens 
of this Confederacy shamelessly plundering the 
Treasury, unrelentingly robbing the soldier, and 
treacherously sucking the lifeblood of a nation 
struggling for its existence and liberties.  Leave 
not your soldiers in the grasp of these worse than 
traitors!”        (italics are my emphasis) 
                      E. C. Wharton, 
                        Captain and A.Q.M.   C.S.A.  
 
Other quartermasters and commissaries 
encountered and reported the problem of self-
interested civilians posing as government agents and 
speculating in raw materials for their self-enrichment, 
much to the detriment of the military and the civilian 
populace. The lack of will in Richmond and the state 
governments to regulate this behavior worked very 
much to the disadvantage of the Confederate cause. 
Wharton, were he alive today, would clearly 
recognize that Americans continue to worship 
individual freedom and lack the will to regulate self-
interested behavior destructive to the common good.  
 1865 Wharton appeared on returns of 
commissioned officers on duty at Houston, Texas, as 
late as March, 1865. He was surrendered by Gen’l E. 
Kirby Smith and paroled at Houston on June 22nd. 
Edward C. Wharton worked for the common good of 
Texas and the Confederacy, and accepted his 
immense responsibilities with the pay of a Captain. 
We could use more like him today. 
◘  Carpe diem 
 
 
 
 
 
Notes and References: 
 
1. Charles B. Dew. Apostles of Disunion, University of Virginia Press, 2001 and 2016 (updated with additional commentary). 
If you have ever doubted that the preservation of slavery was the primary cause of secession, this scholarly book goes to the 
original sources which pleaded the cause of secession. These were the Southern Secession Commissioners who functioned as 
ambassadors pleading their reasoning for secession in speeches to southern state legislatures in late 1860 and early 1861. These 
speeches were printed in southern newspapers and provide a public record. The preservation of slavery as the economic engine 
of the South was their primary reason for secession and it was the proximate cause of the Civil War. Dr. Harari, in his book 
Sapiens, has shown that slavery is a direct consequence of capitalism and its need for cheap labor. Never underestimate the 
power of capitalism; we deal with its effects today much in the same way it was a force in 1860. 
2. David Matheson. Galveston in the Civil War, easttexashistory.org/items/show/160, accessed on 8 December 2021. 
3. Michael McNeil. Confederate Quartermasters, Commissaries, and Agents, published by Pierre Fricke, Sudbury, MA, 2016. 
More research on Edward C. Wharton can be found on pages 732-738. 
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   by Robert Calderman 
 
“Oops, I did it again!” 
   “Did I do that?” exclaimed Jaleel White’s character 
Urkel on just about every episode of the show Family 
Matters back in the 90’s. 
   Error notes comprise one of the most unique and 
intriguing areas in all of paper money to collect.  Not only 
do the individual serial numbers on the notes make them 
unique, each error, with few exceptions, are exceedingly 
different to the point of nearly being an individual finger 
print!  Errors typically fall into one of three categories: 
Minor, Moderate, and Major.  As in the land of the small 
round metal discs, the more dramatic a paper money error, 
the more coveted and desirable they become.  Many paper 
money errors are very affordable and can frequently be 
found at coin shows and online for under $200.  These 
lower priced offerings fall into the minor error category 
and include:  Gutter Folds, Offset Ink Transfers, Ink 
Smears, Butterfly Cutting Errors, Misalignment Errors, 
Misaligned Overprints, Obstructed Printing Errors, 
Insufficient Ink Errors, and Faulty Alignment or Miscut 
Errors.   
   Moderate errors step it up a notch in a much more 
dramatic fashion and trade subtle printing mistakes for 
significant and more blatantly obvious production snafus. 
Moderate errors will typically fall into a slightly higher 
price tier ranging from around $200 to $1000 and beyond.  
This popular group includes a number of exciting errors 
not limited to: Printed Fold Errors, Inverted Back Errors, 
Inverted Third Printings, Blank Back Errors, Missing 
Second Printing Errors, Inverted Star Errors, and 
Mismatched Serial Numbers.   
   The final group of errors is so amazing that it’s hard for 
even seasoned collectors to comprehend what they are and 
how they were made in the first place.  By far the most 
confusing aspect in the major error category is how on 
earth these notes made it out of the Bureau of Engraving 
and Printing in the first place?  Major errors often fall into 
the $3,000 to $10,000 range and can even climb as high as 
the $30,000 to $50,000 level.  Major errors include: 
Multiple Impression Printing Errors, Double Denomination 
Errors, Retained Obstruction Errors, Dramatic Star Errors, 
Large Size Errors, etc.  The major error category is hard to 
specify by name since the only qualification is to simply 
have a note that is so dramatically wrong that at first 
glance, seasoned collectors, dealers, and novices alike all 
have bug eyes, their minds blown, and are left rather 
speechless!  The note we have featured here clearly falls 
into the major error category.  This note grades PMG 
AU58EPQ and is holdered as a Paper Jam Error.  Looking 
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at the reverse image you can clearly see a vertical center 
fold while the rest of the note looks as fresh as the day it 
was made.  Think of your home ink jet printer eating a 
piece of paper, waffling it into an accordion wad of curled 
up disaster!  Then after a few choice words that your 
mother would not be very proud of, you somewhat calmly 
decide if you should spend the next 10 to 90 minutes trying 
to retrieve the crumpled mess or just go and buy a new 
printer, logically giving up and taking the rest of the day 
off.   
   Essentially this is exactly what we have here. A note that 
has an error that includes a gnarly first printing with a huge 
area of blank space on the back, and a printed fold, a 
printed tear, and under close inspection the front actually 
includes visible portions of all three printing steps. Some 
of the diagonal folds are so thick that the note actually 
feels thick and lumpy in the PMG slab!  Notes that fall into 
the major error category that are not cookie cutter clones 
with ample sales comps are challenging to value.  There’s 
not a way to look up a canned Friedberg catalog number, 
Greensheet column, or online subscription database value.  
This often scares folks away from a category that can be 
the most rewarding, exciting, and potentially profitable 
area in the paper money arena.       
   How did a note like this get out?  Was the center fold a 
result of an unscrupulous employee pocketing a piece of 
would-be printer scrap?  Was it an upper management 
decision to gift this note to a retiring executive?  A trophy 
memento rewarded to deserving soul with a dedicated 
spotless career of Government service?  I highly doubt it, 
but who really knows!  Can you imagine being a bank 
teller opening a new back of bills to put into your cash 
drawer and finding a weird lump of random… wait is this 
actually a dollar?  However this note made it out the door 
and into public hands is nothing short of a miracle. For a 
lucky collector it can now become a prized paper money 
trophy, a one-of-a-kind treasure without equal.  
Determining a potential value estimate is very challenging 
for a note with so much eye appeal. A range of $3,000 to 
$5,000 seems reasonable in this case, and there is no 
argument that this fabulous paper jam error is an awesome 
piece of numismatics! 
   Do you have a great Cherry Pick story that you’d like to 
share? Your note might be featured here in a future article 
and you can remain anonymous if desired!  Email scans of 
your note with a brief description of what you paid and 
where it was found to: gacoins@earthlink.net.  
Recommended Reading:  
 United States Paper Money Errors: A
Comprehensive Catalog and Price Guide, 4th
Edition.
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A Catalog of Woes 
Basic to any collecting hobby is having a 
catalog of the things we collect. Catalogs of those 
collectibles (coins, banknotes, stamps, etc.) define the 
contours of any hobby. Of course, catalogs do much 
more than just tell you what to collect. They may also 
provide all sorts of information about rarity, price, and 
historical background. Nonetheless, the fundamental 
importance of a collector’s catalog lies in the 
classification system it imposes on a hobby. How would 
a newcomer to a hobby even know where to begin if 
there wasn’t a resource that told them what’s out there 
to collect, and how one collectible relates to another?  
The current situation of world currency 
collecting illustrates what happens when the traditional 
system of classification breaks down. As many know, 
the most commonly used cataloging system for world 
banknotes was that of Albert Pick. Pick’s numbering 
protocol was continued by the Krause catalogs that 
defined the hobby for decades. After the bankruptcy of 
F+W Media in 2019, the Krause imprint was sold to 
Penguin, which has sat on the property and has shown 
no interest in reviving it. No edition of the SCWPM has 
been issued since 2019, at least for modern issues, and 
the volumes for General and Specialized issues are even 
more out of date. 
This may be inconvenient, but why care? The 
problem is that, as currency issues flood the world 
annually, Pick numbers are no longer being assigned on 
a routine basis. An accumulating volume of collectible 
currency is no longer being tagged with the 
corresponding Pick designation. 
In other fields where cataloging matters, a 
single governing body assumes this task. For example, 
the International Astronomical Union (IAU) has the 
responsibility of designating all newly discovered 
objects in space (e.g. “Borg Cube 5a”, “Imperial Death 
Star 6b”). Since the demise of the Pick/Krause catalog, 
no similar authority does the same thing for paper 
money collectors. 
An alternative has recently emerged in the form 
of The Banknote Book (TBB), an online catalog started 
by Owen Linzmayer about a decade ago and recently 
acquired by CDN Publishing’s Greysheet, a purveyor of 
numismatic price data. Linzmayer was motivated by the 
flaws he saw in the Krause catalogs. I do not know 
whether TBB numbers are better than the Pick system; 
certainly the online format makes possible color 
illustrations that are far superior to the black-and-white 
images in the print Krause catalog. I am told TBB’s text 
descriptions of banknotes are also better. 
If the Pick system is now obsolete, then it might 
be a simple matter of retaining Pick numbers for all the 
old currency issues up to a certain point, and then 
adopting TBB numbers for newer issues. Indeed, where 
relevant, TBB has used its number and the known Pick 
number to designate a given banknote. But other users 
of catalog numbers, notably the PMG grading service, 
has been designating holdered notes as “Pick Unlisted”. 
Some people have even ventured to invent new Pick 
numbers! 
This unsettled situation has led to some 
discontent among collectors of world banknotes. There 
seems to be some fear that abandoning the Pick system 
will somehow affect the value of collections that use it. 
In addition, the hostile reception to Greysheet’s TBB 
comes from the different, and more digitally-focused, 
business model that it represents. Rather than selling a 
printed catalog, or even downloadable chapters, 
Greysheet has implemented a subscription model that 
grants users monthly or yearly access to its catalog. 
My hunch is that, apart from the inconvenience 
of a new numbering system, it’s the new subscription 
model that grinds people’s gears. Offering a digital 
subscription does allow for periodic updates of prices 
and the correction of catalog errors, both sore points 
with users of the Krause products. On the other hand, 
users no longer own a physical copy of the catalog. As 
with other digital products like Microsoft Office, 
consumers purchase access to the product, and not the 
product itself. In the old word, an outfit like Penguin 
sold books. In the new world, Greysheet sells 
information. 
But is this really so different than the past? I 
suspect that, back in Krause’s salad days, the catalogs 
were basically prestige products—loss-leaders for the 
real meat of its publication business, which was the 
various collector publications it sold, like Numismatic 
News, also on subscription.  
I do see the virtue in having a single cataloging 
protocol for new banknotes. Some have called for a 
collector organization like the IBNS take over the Pick 
numbering system and administer it, assigning new 
numbers to banknotes the way the IAU identifies new 
celestial stuff. Given the challenges of collective action, 
that is unlikely to happen. For the foreseeable future, 
and for better or for worse, world currency collectors 
will have to get used to multiple cataloging system.
Chump Change 
  Loren Gatch 
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SPMC.org * Paper Money * March/April 2022 * Whole Number 338
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